write a 2-3-page-long essay overviewing this paper, and one paragraph of personal feelings

Copyright © 2002 American Psychological Society

CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE 19

1

These basic questions are central to
any evolutionary approach. Psy-
chologists who do not like the sim-
plicity of the answers currently
coming out of evolutionary psy-
chology should make an effort to
improve them, to broaden its intel-
lectual horizon, because all of psy-
chology would stand to gain from
a more enlightened evolutionary
psychology.

Recommended Reading

de Waal, F.B.M. (1999). The end of

nature versus nurture.

Scientific
American

,

281

, 94–99.
de Waal, F.B.M. (2001).

The ape and
the sushi master: Cultural reflections
by a primatologist

. New York: Basic
Books.

Mayr, E. (2001).

What evolution is

.
New York: Basic Books.

Zimmer, C. (2001).

Evolution: The tri-
umph of an idea

. New York: Harper
Collins.

Acknowledgments—

I thank Allison
Berger and Virginia Holt for providing

the transcript of my 2001 Focus on Sci-
ence Plenary Address, which was pre-
s e n t e d a t t h e a n n u a l m e e t i n g o f t h e
American Psychological Association in
San Francisco and was on the topic of this
essay. I am also grateful to Mauricio Pap-
ini and Scott Lilienfeld for comments on
previous versions of the manuscript.

Notes

1. Address correspondence to Frans
B.M. de Waal, Living Links, Yerkes Pri-
mate Research Center, Emory Univer-
sity, 954 N. Gatewood Rd., Atlanta, GA
30322.

2. Theory of mind means that one
understands the mental states of others
(a capacity that may be limited to hu-
mans and apes).

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Homicide

. Haw-
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de Waal, F.B.M. (1996).

Good natured: The origins of
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.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

de Waal, F.B.M. (1998).

Chimpanzee politics

. Balti-

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de Waal, F.B.M. (2000, April 2). Survival of the
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A natural history of
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].

New York
Times Book Review

, pp. 24–25.

Dobzhansky, T. (1973). Nothing in biology makes
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Gauthier, I., & Tarr, M.J. (1997). Becoming a “Gree-
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An introduction to social psy-
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, 99–117.

Panksepp, J., & Panksepp, J.B. (2000). The seven
sins of evolutionary psychology.

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Staats, A.W. (1991). Unified positivism and unifi-
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Thornhill, R., & Palmer, C.T. (2000).

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.
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Tooby, J., & Cosmides, L. (1992). The psychologi-
cal foundations of culture. In J. Barkow, L.
Cosmides, & J. Tooby (Eds.),

The adapted mind:
Evolutionary psychology and the generation of cul-
ture

(pp. 19–136). New York: Oxford Univer-
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Williams, G. (1966).

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.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

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Consilience: The unity of knowl-
edge

. New York: Knopf.

Mutually Responsive Orientation
Between Mothers and Their Young
Children: A Context for the Early
Development of Conscience

Grazyna Kochanska

1

Department of Psychology, University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa

Abstract

Some parent-child dyads es-
tablish a mutually responsive
orientation (MRO), a relation-
ship that is close, mutually
binding, cooperative, and af-

fectively positive. Such rela-
t i o n s h i p s h a v e t w o m a i n
characteristics—mutual re-
sponsiveness and shared posi-
tive affect—and they foster the

development of conscience in
young children. Children grow-
ing up with parents who are re-
sponsive to their needs and
whose interactions are infused
with happy emotions adopt a
willing, responsive stance to-
ward parental influence and be-
come eager to embrace parental
values and standards for behav-
ior. The concurrent and longitu-

dinal beneficial effects of

MRO

for early development of con-
science have been replicated
across studies, for a broad range
of developmental periods from
infancy through early school
age, and using a wide variety of
behavioral, emotional, and cog-
nitive measures of conscience in
the laboratory, at home, and in
school. These findings highlight
the importance of the early par-
ent-child relationship for subse-
quent moral development.

Keywords

relationships; mutuality; con-
science

How do young children become
aware of rules, values, and standards
of behavior accepted within their

192 VOLUME 11, NUMBER 6, DECEMBER 2002

Published by Blackwell Publishing Inc.

families and cultures? How do they
gradually come to internalize those
values and make them their own?
Why do some children adopt soci-
etal norms wholeheartedly and with
ease, and become conscientious citi-
zens, whereas others do not?

The emergence of an individual
conscience, a reliable internal guid-
ance system that regulates conduct
without the need for external con-
trol, is the endpoint of the process
of integrating a child into a broader
network of values. How this pro-
cess works continues to be debated
as one of the perennial and central
i s s u e s i n h u m a n s o c i a l i z a t i o n
(Grusec, 1997).

Research on conscience was once
dominated by a cognitive approach,
focused on children’s abstract under-
standing of societal rules, measured
by their ability to reason about hypo-
thetical moral dilemmas. Moral de-
velopment was seen as a product of
cognitive maturation, aided by peer
interactions, but fundamentally un-
related to parental influence. In con-
trast, other theories acknowledged
parental contributions. Parents and
other socializing agents were seen as
critical in several versions of learning
theory. Those approaches empha-
sized the importance of parental dis-
cipline and modeling as instruments
that modify and shape children’s be-
havior. Somewhat later, attributional
theories underscored the importance
of children’s perceptions of parental
discipline, and revealed surprising,
often paradoxical effects of salient
parental rewards and punishments.

More recently, many scholars
have come to appreciate an ap-
proach grounded in psychoana-
lytic and neo-psychoanalytic theo-
ries. Although Freud’s views on
t h e e a r l y d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o n –
science as linked to the Oedipus or
Electra complex have long been
discarded, his general emphasis on
the role of early emotions and early
relationships in emerging morality
has proven insightful. That ap-
proach has been strongly reinvigo-

rated and modernized by John
Bowlby and the burgeoning re-
search on attachment. From that
perspective, moral emotions, moral
conduct, and moral thought are all
components of an internal guid-
ance system, or conscience, whose
f o u n d a t i o n s a r e e s t a b l i s h e d i n
early childhood in the context of
socialization in the family. The
early parent-child relationship,
which encompasses but is not lim-
ited to control and discipline, can
substantially foster or undermine
that process (Emde, Biringen, Cly-
man, & Oppenheim, 1991).

THE RELATIONSHIP
PERSPECTIVE: MUTUALLY

RESPONSIVE ORIENTATION

In 1951, Robert Sears argued for
a shift in psychological research
f r o m s t u d y i n g i n d i v i d u a l s t o
studying dyads. Over the past two
or three decades, the science of re-
lationships has blossomed in per-
sonality, social, and developmental
psychology (Collins & Laursen, 1999;
Reis, Collins, & Berscheid, 2000). Sev-
eral scholars have proposed that

when relationship partners—whether
two adults or a parent and a child—
are responsive and attuned to each
other, are mutually supportive,
and enjoy being together, they
form an internal model of their re-
lationship as a cooperative enter-
prise, and develop an eager, recep-
tive stance toward each other’s
influence and a compelling sense
of obligation to willingly comply
with the other. For example, Clark
(1984) referred to “communal rela-
tionships” in adults as contexts in
which the partners are invested in
each other’s well-being, are em-
p a t h i c a n d r e s p o n s i v e t o e a c h
other, and experience an internal
sense of mutual obligation.

In developmental research, those
resurging perspectives afford a pro-
ductive vantage point for exploring

social development. Socialization is
seen as a process jointly constructed
by parents and children over time
(Collins & Laursen, 1999; Collins,
Maccoby, Steinberg, Hetherington,
& Bornstein, 2000; Maccoby, 1999;
Reis et al., 2000). Maccoby (1999)
referred to parent-child mutuality
as a positive socialization force that
engenders a spirit of cooperation in
the child. Attachment scholars be-
lieve that children raised in a loving,
responsive manner become eager
to cooperate with their caregivers
and to embrace their values.

To describe such relationships
between parents and children, my
colleagues and I have proposed a
construct of

mutually responsive ori-
entation

(

MRO

). MRO is a positive,
close, mutually binding, and coop-
erative relationship, which encom-
passes two components:

responsive-
n e s s

a n d

s h a r e d p o s i t i v e a f f e c t

.
Responsiveness refers to the par-
ent’s and the child’s willing, sensi-
tive, supportive, and developmen-
tally appropriate response to one
another’s signals of distress, un-
happiness, needs, bids for atten-
tion, or attempts to exert influence.
Shared positive affect refers to the
“good times” shared by the parent
and the child—pleasurable, harmo-
nious, smoothly flowing interac-
tions infused with positive emo-
tions experienced by both.

We further proposed that chil-
dren who grow up in mutually re-
sponsive dyads, compared with
those who do not, become more ea-
ger to embrace their parents’ val-
ues and more likely to develop a
s t r o n g c o n s c i e n c e . T h e i r e a g e r
stance to embrace parental values
reflects an internal sense of obliga-
tion to respond positively to paren-
tal influence, and emerges from a
history of mutually gratifying, mu-
tually accommodating experiences.
A child who has developed a mu-
tually responsive relationship with
the parent comes to trust the par-
ent and to expect that the parent
will be responsive and supportive;

Copyright © 2002 American Psychological Society

CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE 193

at the same time, the child comes to
feel motivated to cooperate will-
ingly with the parent, to embrace
the parent’s values, and to adopt
parental standards for behavior
and make them his or her own. In
this view, the parent-child relation-
ship influences the child’s con-
science mainly through a gradually
evolving shared working model of
the relationship as a mutually co-
operative enterprise rather than
through the cumulative history of
parental discipline as the instru-
ment of behavior modification.

MOTHER-CHILD MRO AND
CHILDREN’S CONSCIENCE:

EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE

In two large studies, we mea-
sured the qualities of the mother-
child relationship and the child’s
emerging conscience for more than
200 mother-child dyads. To assess
the strength of MRO for the indi-
vidual dyads, we observed the
mothers and children interacting in
multiple lengthy, naturalistic yet
carefully scripted contexts at home
and in the laboratory. The situa-
tions we observed included care-
giving routines, preparing and eat-
ing meals, playing, relaxing, and
doing household chores. We coded
each mother’s responsiveness to her
child’s numerous signals of needs,
signs of physical or emotional dis-
tress or discomfort, bids for atten-
tion, and social overtures. We also
assessed shared positive affect by
coding the flow of emotion expres-
sion for both the mother and the
child over the course of each inter-
action, focusing particularly on the
times when they both displayed
positive emotion. We obtained
these measures repeatedly, follow-
ing the same families over a period
of several years.

In the individual dyads, the de-
gree of MRO was significantly con-

sistent across separate sessions
close in time, and significantly sta-
ble over several years. This indi-
cates that our observational mark-
ers captured a robust quality of the
relationships that unfolded along a
fairly stable dyadic trajectory.

Using a broad variety of labora-
tory paradigms, we also observed
rich manifestations of the young
children’s conscience: moral emo-
tions, moral conduct, and moral
cognition. These assessments took
place at many points in the chil-
dren’s development—starting in their
2nd year and continuing until early
school age. The children’s moral
emotions, including guilt, discom-
fort, concern, and empathy, were
observed when they were led to
believe that they had violated a
standard of conduct, or when they
witnessed others’ distress. While
they were unsupervised, either
alone or with peers, their moral
c o n d u c t w a s a s s e s s e d i n m a n y
types of situations in which they
faced strong temptations to break
various rules and were coaxed to
v i o l a t e s t a n d a r d s o f b e h a v i o r .
Their moral cognition was mea-
sured by presenting them with
a g e – a p p r o p r i a t e , h y p o t h e t i c a l
moral dilemmas and asking them
to express their thoughts and feel-
ings about rules and transgres-
sions, and consider moral deci-
sions. We also asked their mothers
and teachers to evaluate the chil-
dren’s moral emotions and con-
duct displayed in environments
outside the laboratory—at home
and at school.

Both studies supported the view
that children who grow up in a
context of a highly mutually re-
sponsive relationship with their
mothers develop strong consciences
(Kochanska, 1997; Kochanska, For-
man, & Coy, 1999; Kochanska &
Murray, 2000). The strength of the
replicated findings was striking,
given the broad range of the chil-
dren’s ages and the wide variety of
conscience measures used.

In both studies, the links be-
tween MRO and the development
of conscience were both concurrent
and longitudinal. The concurrent
links were found for both toddlers
and preschoolers. The longitudinal
findings were robust: MRO in in-
fancy predicted conscience devel-
opment in the 2nd year, and MRO
i n t o d d l e r h o o d p r e d i c t e d c h i l –
dren’s conscience at preschool age
and again at early school age. The
history of MRO in the first 2 years
predicted conscience at age 5. In
short, the beneficial effect of MRO
on the development of conscience
was evident across diverse measures
of conscience involving emotions,
conduct, and cognition. It was also
evident whether conscience was
assessed by observations in the lab-
oratory or reports from mothers
and teachers. These results have
been replicated by other research-
ers (Laible & Thompson, 2000).

HOW DOES MRO EXERT
ITS IMPACT?

What causal mechanisms may
be responsible for these well-estab-
lished empirical findings? Using sta-
tistical approaches (sequences of
multiple regressions, as well as
structural equations modeling, or
SEM) to analyze the causal factors
that accounted for the associations
in our data, we determined that
MRO exerts its influence through
at least two mechanisms.

The first mechanism involves
p r o m o t i n g t h e c h i l d ’ s p o s i t i v e
mood. Early MRO between the
parent and the child contributes to
the child’s positive, happy disposi-
tion, and that, in turn, increases his
or her broad eagerness to behave
prosocially. This finding is consis-
tent with a large body of research
in social and developmental psy-
chology (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998).
Adults and children who are in a
positive mood have often been

194 VOLUME 11, NUMBER 6, DECEMBER 2002

Published by Blackwell Publishing Inc.

found to be more prosocial, altruis-
tic, cooperative, rule abiding, and
socially responsive than those who
are in neutral or negative moods.

T h e s e c o n d m e c h a n i s m i n –
volves promoting the child’s re-
sponsive stance toward parental
influence. We have found that in
playlike teaching situations, chil-
dren in mutually responsive rela-
t i o n s h i p s a r e a t t u n e d t o t h e i r
mothers and eagerly follow their
lead (Forman & Kochanska, 2001;
Kochanska et al., 1999). In disci-
pline situations, they show what we
called

committed compliance

—will-
ing, eager, wholehearted coopera-
tion with the parent (Kochanska,
Coy, & Murray, 2001). Such a gen-
eralized responsive stance may be
an intermediate step between sim-
ple cooperation with the parent
and genuine internalization of pa-
rental rules, evident even in the
parent’s absence. We believe it re-
flects the child’s emerging working
model of a cooperative, reciprocal,
mutually accommodating relation-
ship in which partners naturally do
things for one another without ab-
rogating their autonomy.

FUTURE RESEARCH
DIRECTIONS

MRO and Qualities
of Individuals

It takes two to develop dyadic
MRO. Although the relationship be-
tween a parent and child—like any
relationship—is more than a sim-
ple sum of their characteristics,
those characteristics may neverthe-
less foster or impede the formation
of MRO. Recent advances in re-
search on the role of genetics in be-
havior and on the biological foun-
dations of children’s temperament
are beginning to be reflected in sci-
entific work in what has been tradi-
tionally conceived as the domain of
relationships. For example, Deater-

Deckard and O’Connor (2000),
studying identical and fraternal
twins, and biological and adoptive
siblings, found that parent-child
MRO was driven, in part, by the
child’s genetically based qualities.
In addition, a child’s biologically
based traits, such as being prone to
anger or joy, or being hard or easy
to soothe, may facilitate or under-
mine the evolution of the child’s re-
lationships within particular dyads.
Being responsive to and having en-
joyable interactions with a child
may be more challenging if the
child is temperamentally difficult
than if he or she is easygoing and
mellow.

Mothers’ traits, some also bio-
logically based, may be important
as well. We have found that the
more empathic mothers are, the
better able they are to form MRO
with their children (Kochanska,
1997). A large body of research in-
dicates that depression and high
levels of negative emotion in moth-
ers reduce their responsiveness
and positive behavior when inter-
acting with their young children.

M o r e c o m p l e x i n t e r p l a y b e –
tween biological and relationship
factors also deserves future re-
search attention. Our findings indi-
cate that MRO may be particularly
beneficial for children with certain
temperaments, particularly fear-
less, thrill-seeking children whose
behavior is not easily modified by
actual or anticipated punishments
and threats. Other interactions be-
tween temperament and relation-
ships are also possible.

MRO as a Developmentally
Changing System

A mutually responsive relation-
ship between a parent and an in-
fant differs from a mutually re-
sponsive relationship between a
parent and a preschooler, or be-
tween a parent and an adolescent.
The contexts and currency of par-

ent-child interactions change. In in-
fancy, those contexts include mostly
the contexts of caregiving, play, and
daily routines, and the currency of
exchange is often nonverbal. Grad-
ually, the contexts expand to in-
clude parent-child discussions of
events and ideas, and the exchanges
are increasingly verbal (Laible &
Thompson, 2000). The child’s and
the parent’s relative contributions
to the relationship change over time,
and so do their cognitive represen-
tations, perceptions, and expecta-
tions of the relationship and of each
other. Psychologists’ understanding
of the child’s side of MRO lags con-
siderably behind their understand-
ing of the parent’s side of MRO. How
MRO can be assessed in a manner
that is developmentally sensitive
and yet captures stable qualities of
the parent-child dyad over time is
one of the future challenges.

MRO and Internal
Representations

In research to date, MRO has been
inferred from parents’ and chil-
dren’s observed behavior and af-
fect during interactions. This outer
layer, however, only partially cap-
tures the essence of a relationship.
Scholars studying relationships
have adopted Bowlby’s premise
that, over time, the parent and the
child gradually form inner repre-
sentations, or internal working
models, of their relationship (Col-
lins & Laursen, 1999). Those evolv-
ing models include generalized
memories of each other’s behavior,
implicit beliefs and feelings about
each other and the relationship,
and a sense of what the relation-
ship is like and what to expect
from one another. Those general-
ized products of an individual’s ex-
perience serve to organize and bias
his or her future information pro-
cessing, behavior, and emotions. In
the case of MRO, the parent’s and

Copyright © 2002 American Psychological Society

CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE 195

child’s internal models entail mu-
tual cooperation and implicit reci-
procity, and the child’s internal
model is thought to underlie his or
her willingness to embrace paren-
tal rules. Those inner representa-
tions, however, are difficult to access
and to study. To develop sensitive
yet rigorous methodologies that
will provide insights into the rep-
resentational aspect of MRO is an
important future challenge.

MRO and the Family System

The relationship between a par-
ent and child is itself nested in a
network of family relationships.
The importance of studying devel-
opment in the context of the entire
family system has been increas-
ingly acknowledged. In particular,
f u t u r e r e s e a r c h s h o u l d s t u d y
m o t h e r – c h i l d a n d f a t h e r – c h i l d
MRO, both separately and as a tri-
adic interconnected system. More
generally, family-level variables
such as stress, conflict, support,
and affective ambience may be sig-
nificant dimensions of the context
in which mutually responsive rela-
tionships with the child may flour-
ish or fail.

Recommended Reading

Collins, W.A., & Laursen, B. (Eds.).
(1999). (See References)

Kochanska, G. (1997). (See References)
K o c h a n s k a , G . , & M u r r a y , K . T .

(2000). (See References)

Acknowledgments—

This research has
been sponsored by grants from the Na-
tional Institute of Mental Health (RO1
MH63096, KO2 MH01446) and National
Science Foundation (DBS-9209559, SBR-
9510863) to the author. I gratefully ac-
knowledge the comments of Nazan Ak-
san, David Forman, and Robert Siegler,
and contributions of numerous students,
staff, and the families who participated in
the studies.

Note

1. Address correspondence to Gra-
zyna Kochanska, Department of Psy-
chology, University of Iowa, Iowa City,
IA 52242-1447.

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