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eg LOR

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Completion: Students ore responsible for completing oll fourteen of these primory
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Student Replies: Replying to, on oddressing, another student’s post is encouroged
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chopter reodings.

Toward the First World War: Dtplomacy in the Summer oJ 1914

The assassination of Franz Ferdtnand in Sarai’evo on June 28, 1914, set ot’f an increasingly desperate
round ot’

negot iations. As the following exchanges show, dipl om ats and p oliti
cal leaders on both sides vacillated from trying

pr0vo ke war to attempting to avert or at least contain it. A week after his nephew, the heir to the throne,

Franz Josep h set out his interpretation of the long-stan ding conflict with Serbia and its larger implications (repri

The second selectton comes f rom an account of a meeting of the Council of Ministers
of the Austro’Hungarian

on July 7, 1914. The ministers disagreed sharply about diplomatic strategies and how crucial decisions
should be

Austro-Hungary’s ultimatum to Serbia included the demands give n in the Jinal extract here. The British foreign

Sir Edward Grey, for one/ wQs shoched by Austria’s demands, especta

Serbian judicial proceedings. The Serbian government’s response was

diplomatic et’t’orts to avert war still failed.

lly its insistencethat Austrian officials
more conciliatory than most diplomats

Emperor FranzJoseph of Austria-Hungary to Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany, July 5, 1914

Austr o -Hungdr ian D isagr eements ov er Strategy

be enhanced. lf Serbia rejected

Russian and Serb Pan-Slavs, an agitation

whose sole object is the weakening of

the Triple Alliance and the destruction

of my realm.

So far, all investigations have shown

that the Sarajevo murder was not Per-
petrated by one individual, but grew
out of a well-organized conspiracy,
the threads of which can be traced to

Belgrade. Even though it will probably

be impossible to Prove the complic-
ity of the Serb government, there can

be no doubt that its policy, aiming as it

does at the unification of all Southern
Slavs under the Serb banner, encour-
ages such crimes, and that the continu-

ation of such conditions constitutes a
permanent threat to my-dynasty and
my lands.. ..

This will only be possible if Serbia,
which is at present the pivot of Pan-Slav

Ke i”i#””it’frJ”#l*
Wilhelm and fchancellor] Bethmann
Hollweg had assured us emphatically of

Germany’s unconditional support in the

event of military complications with Ser-

bia. . . . lt was clear to him that a military
conflict with Serbia might bring about
war with Russia. . . .

[Count lstvan Tisza, Prime min-
ister of Hungary:] We should decide
what our demands on Serbia will be

[but] should only present an ultima-
tum if Serbia rejected them. These
demands must be hard but not so
that they cannot be complied with. lf
Serbia accepted them, we could reg-
ister a noteworthy diplomatic success
and our prestige in the Balkans would

demands, then he too would

itary action. But he would alre

go on record that we could aim

down sizing but not the comPlete

hilation of Serbia because,
would provoke Russia to fight
death and, second, he-as Hun
premier-could never consent
monarchy’s annexation of a

Source: Ralph lv’len ning, The Art of the Possible: Documents on Great Power Diplomacy, 1814-1914 (New York: 1996), pp. 400, 402-3, 414-15



g Viewpoi


820 I cHnerrn z+ The FirstworldWar

Serbia. Whether or not we ought to go
to war with Serbia was not a matter for
Germany to decide. . . .

[Count Berchtold] remarked that
the history of the past years showed
that diplomatic successes against Serbia
mlght enhance the prestige of the mon-
archy temporarily, but that in reality the

tension in our relations with Serbia had
only increased.

[Count Karl Stiirgkh, prime minister
of Austria] . . . agreed with the Royal Hun-
garian Prime Minister that we and not the
German government had to determine
whether a war was necessary or not . . .

Ibut] Count Tisza should take into account

that in pursuing a hesitant and weak pol-
icy, we run the risk of not being so sure of
Germany’s unconditional support. .. .

[Leo von Bilinsky, Austro-Hungarian
finance ministerl . . . The Serb understands
only force, a diplomatic success would
make no impression at all in Bosnia and
would be harmful rather than beneficial.

Austr o -Ilungar y’s Ultimatum to S erbia

cialjournal of 26/13 )uly:

“The Royal Serb Government con-
demns the propaganda directed against
Austria-Hungary, and regrets sincerely
the horrible consequences of these
criminal ambitions.

“The Royal Serb Government
regrets that Serb officers and officials
have taken part in the propaganda
above-mentioned and thereby imperiled

friendly and neighbourly relations.
“The Royal Government. . . consid-

ers it a duty to warn officers, officials
and indeed all the inhabitants of the
kingdom [of Serbia], that it will in future
use great severity against such persons
who may be guilty of similar doings.

The Royal Serb Government will
moreover pledge itself to the following.

1. to suppress every publication likely
to inspire hatred and contempt against
the Monarchy;

2. to begin immediately dissolving the
society called Narodn a Odbrana,* to seize
all its means of propaganda and to act in
the same way against all the societies and
associations rn Serbia, which are busy with
the propaganda against Austria-H ungary;

3. to eliminate without delay from
public instruction everything that serves
or might serve the propaganda against
Austria-Hungary, both where teachers
or books are concerned;

4. to remove from military ser-
vice and from the administration all
officers and officials who are guilty
of having taken part in the propa-
ganda against Austria-Hungary, whose
names and proof of whose guilt the
l. and R. Government Ilmperial ind
Royal, that is, the Austro-Hungarian
Empire] will communicate to the Royal

5. to consent to the cooperation of
l. and R. officials in Serbia in suppress-
ing the subversive movement directed
against the territorial integrity of the

6. to open a judicial inquest lenquAte
judiciaire) against all those who took part
in the plot of 28 June, if they are to be
found on Serbian territory; the l. and
R. Government will delegate officials
who will take an active part in these and
associated inquiries;

The l. and R. Government expects
the answer of the Royal government
to reach it not later than Saturday, the
25th, at six in the afternoon.

* Narodna Odbrana, or Natronal Defense, was
pro-Serbian and anti-Austrian but nonviolent.
The Society of the Black Hand, to which Franz
Ferdinand’s assassin belonged, considered
Narodna Odbrana too moderate.

Questions for Analysis
1. Emperor Franz Joseph’s letter to

Kaiser Wilhelm ll iells of the Austrian
investigation into the assassination of
Archduke Franz Ferdinand. What did
Franz Joseph seek from his German
ally? What did the emperors under-
stand by the phrase “if Serbia . . . is put
out of action as a factor of political
power in the Balkans”? Why might the
Germans support a war against Serb-
sponsored terrorism?

2. Could the Serbians have accepted
the Austrian ultimatum without total
loss of face and sacrifice of their inde-
pendence? British and Russian for-
eign ministers were shocked by the
demands on Serbia. Others thought
that the Austrians were justified and
that Britain would act similarly if
threatened by terrorism. lf, as Leo von
Bilinsky said, “The Serb understands
only force,” why didn’t Austria declare
war without an ultimatum?

1914: Mobitizatton and the Early OfJensives
I 821




Completionr Students ore responsible for completing oll fourteen of these primory
source exercises qnd for onswering oll guestions in o given exercise. Posts will be
groded for guolity ond length. No lote posts will beaccepled.

Formot: Complet e sent ences ond occunote grommor are required.If you do use
direct quototions, you must provide proper in-text citotions – see out oddendum
for details.

Originolity: Do not repeot the some informotion onother student hos olreody
posfed – odd something new to secure os mony points os possible! Breoking ground
early moy be odvontogeous. Eleventh hour posts thot simply restote moteriol
olreodydiscussedwill not securelhe highestscores.Cuttingond postingfromon
internet source does not quolify os completing an exercise.

Student Replies: Replying to, or oddressing, onother student’s post is encouroged
ond is o gneot woy to moke certoin you’re not simply repeoting informotion ond

losing points for redundoncy. Respectful debate is welcomed.

Word Count: Posts must meet the 2OO-word minimum to eorno possing score
(“C”). Quolity posts thot exceed this minimum length will secure points thot
proportionolity exceed the minimum possing gnode. For instonce, guolity posts of
300 words or more eorn “B’s” while quolity posfs of 400 words or more secure
“A’s.” But guolity is betten thon guontityl So o greot posf with 200 words will do
well. This is not on occosion for terse replies. Cont ext uali ze the questions in your
chopter reodings.

Propaganda tn Mussolini’s ltaly and Hitler’s Germany

Fascism in ltaly and Germany promised.many.things to many people. fulussolini’s rhetoric focused, on the id.eas of national
greatness in the aftermath of the First World War, and the need to counter imperialism oi other powers when tiey
threatened ltalian interests. The Nazis blended anti-semitism, racial nationalbm, vaguely defined (and anti-Marxist)
socialism, and disgust with the state of German culture and politics in their propagaiaoi otih, do)rr*rnt by Joseph
Goebbels shows. Goebbels, one of the early members of the Nazi party, later becaite head of the National ilinistry t’or
Public Enlightenment and propaganda.

Benito Mussolini, My Rise and Fall

t was at this time, right
after the spirit of exhila-
ration of victory, that
I observed strange ten-
dencies in the ltalian

political world. Evil activity was at hand.
It needed to be exposed and suppressed.
It was cloaked under the appearance of
humanitarianism. lt was planning to give
a series of national rights to peoples who
never had the consciousness and the dig-
nity of nations-to peoples who had been
for more than a century instruments of
oppressing the ltalian elements under
Austria, under the instigation of the des-
potic empire. The sun of our victory was
rising, but to be a complete victory, a vic-
tory that would carry our soldiers on the
road to Vienna, it must not falter through
false sentimentality. . . .

I felt that we were left without any
cohesive force, any suggestive heroism,
any remembrance, any political philoso-
phy, sufficient to overcome and stop the
factors of dissolution. I sensed the chills
and heats of decay and destruction. . . .

I knew those who whipped up our
degeneration. They were German and
Austrian spies, Russian agitators, myste-
rious subventions. ln a few months they
had led the ltalian people into a state of
marasmus. The economic crisis existing
in every corner of the world could not

be expected to spare ltaly. The soldiers,
like myself, returning from the war,
rushed to their families. Who can
describe our feelings? Such an imposing
phenomenon as the demobilization of
millions of men took place in the dark,
without noise, in an atmosphere of
throwing discipline to the winds. There
were, for us, the troubles of winter and
the difficulties of finding new garments
and adjustments for peace. . . .

Those who came to the meeting for
the constitution of the ltalian Fascisti of
Combat used few words. They did not
exhaust themselves by laying out
dreams. Their aim seemed clear and
straight-lined. lt was to defend the vic-
tory at any price, to maintain intact the
sacred memory of the dead, and the

not only for those who fell

and for the families of those who were
dead but for the mutilated, for the inva-
lids, for all those who had fought. The
prevalent note, however, was of anti-
socialist character, and as a political aspi-
ration, it was hoped a new ltaly would be
created that would know how to give
value to the victory and to fight with all
its strength against treason and corrup-
tion, against decay within and intrigue
and avarice from without

I was certain at the time that it was
necessary to fix, without any possibility

of equivocation, the essential brand of
the new movement. For this reason
I made three planks for our platform.
The first was the following:

The meeting of the twenty-third of
March sends its first greeting and rever-
ent thought to the sons of ltaly who died
for the greatness of their country
for the freedom of the world; to the
mutilated and to the invalids, to all th
who fought, to the ex-prisoners who ful.
filled their duty. lt declares itself ready
uphold with all its energy the material
and moral claims that will be put for
ward by the associations of those

The second declaration pledged
Fascisti of Combat to oppose
to the imperialism of any other
damaging to ltaly. lt accepted
supreme postulates of the League
Nations regarding ltaly. lt affirmed
necessity to complete the stability of
frontiers between the Alps and the.
atic with the claim of annexation F
and of Dalmatia.

The third declaration spoke of
elections that were announced for
near future. ln this motion the Fasci
Combattimento pledged themselves
fight with all their means the
that were milk-and-water ltalians,
whatever party they belonged.

876 CHAPIER 25 Turmoil between the Wars

nalyzi irnary Sources

Finally we talked of organization-the
organization that would be adapted to
the new movement. I did not favor any
bureaucratic cut-and-dried organ ization.
It was thought wise that in every big

town the correspondent of the Popolo
d’ltalia should be the organizer of a sec-
tion of the Fasci di Combattimento, with
the idea that each group should become
a centre of Fascist ideas, work and action.

Source: Benito Mussolini, lr,4y Rise and Fall
(New York: 1998), pp. 54,60-61,71-12

Joseph Goebbels, “Why Are We Enemies of the Jews?”

because we see in the
NAroN the only possi-
bility for the protection

.an d the furtherance of
our existence.

The NnrroN is the organic bond of a
people for the protection and defense
of their lives. He is nationally minded
who understands this tN woRD AND tN
DEED. . ..

Young nationalism has its uncondi-
tional demands, BELTEF rn rHr ruetrot is a
matter of all the people, not for individu-

als of rank, a class, or an industrial clique.
The eternal must be separated from the

contemporary. The maintenance of a
rotten industrial system has nothing to
do with nationalism. I can love Germany
and hate capitalism; not only cnN I do it,
lalso r’ausr do it. The germ of the rebirth

of our people LIES oNLy rN THE DESTRUC-




GERrurAr.ts, LovE GERMANy. And because
we love Germany, we demand the pro-
tection of its national spirit and we bat-
tle against its destroyers.


We are sooAlrsrs because we see in

rsM the only possibility for main-

it the reconquest of our political free-
dom and the rebirth of the German
state. socrALrsr’a has its peculiar form
first of all through its comradeship in
arms with the forward-driving energy of
a newly awakened nationalism. Without
nationalism it is nothing, a phantom, a
theory, a vision of air, a book. With it, it is
everything, THE FUTURE, FREEDoM,

wHY Do wE opposE THE JEws?

We are ENEMTES or rHr Jews, because
we are fighters for the freedom of the
German people. rsr Jrw ls rHE cAUSE
AND THE BENEFtctARy oF ouR ursrny, He
has used the social difficulties of the
broad masses of our people to deepen
the unholy split between Right and Left
among our people. He has made two
halves of Germany. He is the real cause
for our loss of the Great War.

The Jew has no interest in the solu-
tion of Germany’s fateful problems. He
cANNor have any. FoR HE LtvEs oN THE

lf we would make the German people a
unified community and give them free-
dom before the world, then the Jew can

have no place among us. He has the best
trumps in his hands when a people lives

in inner and outer slavery. THE JEw rs

That is the reason why we, AS NAIoN-
nlrsrs and AS soctALtsrs, oppose the Jew.

Source: Anton Kaes, Martin Jay, and Edward
Dimendberg, The Weimar Republic Sourcebooh
(Los Angeles: 199\, pp. 137 -38, 142

Questions for Analysis
1. How did Mussolini and Goebbels use

metaphors of good and evil, illness
and health, growth and degeneration?
Do the metaphors by Goebbels sug-
gest what the Nazis would try to do to
cure the ills of Germany if they took
power? .

2. Mussolini and Goebbels both empha-
size their nationalism, but their atti-
tudes toward socialism are different.
How do you explain this difference?

3. Where does Goebbels place anti-
Semitism in his version of German
nationalism? Whom does Mussolini
identify as the enemies of fascism?


taining our racial existence and through

Hitler and the National Socialists 877


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