For the most part, our memories serve us well, allowing us to make sense of our past and present world. In fact, and according to Loftus (2003), we are the sum of our memories; what we have thought, what we have been told, and what we believe. Not only are we shaped by our memories, but our memories are shaped by who we are. Loftus argues that we “seem to reinvent our memories, and in doing so, we become the person of our own imagination” (p. 872).

Loftus argues that memories are malleable and subject to distortion and suggestion. She makes the following observations about eyewitness accounts of crimes:

Misinformation can influence people’s memories when they are in a suggestive fashion or when they talk to other people who give their version of events. Misinformation can sway people when they see biased media coverage about some event that they may have experienced themselves. This phenomenon would ultimately be called the misinformation effect (p. 868).

After completing the unit readings on memory processes, how would you explain the misinformation effect? Specifically discuss how the misinformation effect may be important to your professional or academic life. Refer to and integrate ideas presented in your text and any supplemental readings. Cite outside resources if necessary to make your point.

* attaching article to go with this question

400-500 words 

APA format

2-3 sources 

Emotion Review
Vol. 8, No. 1 (January 2016) 8 –13

© The Author(s) 2015
ISSN 1754-0739
DOI: 10.1177/1754073915601228
er.sagepub.com

Memories of events that evoked powerful emotions are vivid
and lasting but not necessarily accurate (Levine & Edelstein,
2009; Reisberg & Heuer, 2007). Under some conditions, emo-
tion even increases people’s susceptibility to false memories.
This is of great concern in legal settings where people often
need to recall information that elicited intense emotion. Consider
a victim describing the perpetrator of a crime, a witness testify-
ing about a terrifying experience, or a juror recalling gruesome
photographs of a crime scene. Distortions in memory for emo-
tional information in these contexts can result in false accusa-
tions, lawsuits, and wrongful criminal convictions (Loftus,
Doyle, & Dysart, 2013). A prominent example is the repressed
memory controversy that peaked in the 1990s. Hundreds of
adults claimed to have recovered memories, often during ther-
apy sessions, of having been victims of childhood sexual abuse.
Close investigation later revealed that many therapists used

highly suggestive techniques to help patients “remember”
instances of abuse, leading patients to form emotional but false
memories (Loftus & Ketcham, 1996). These events revealed
that even highly emotional memories can be inaccurate and that
memory errors can have a devastating human toll.

The issue of when and why emotion leaves people vulnera-
ble to misremembering events has been vigorously debated,
with investigators variously claiming that people are most sus-
ceptible to memory errors when experiencing intense emotion,
positive emotion, or negative emotion. Here we review research
on the malleability of memory and on the relation between emo-
tion and false memory, focusing on studies relevant to the inter-
disciplinary field of emotion and law. We identify discrepancies
in the literature, and argue that taking into account the effects of
discrete emotions on attention and motivation helps to resolve
seemingly contradictory findings. We also discuss implications

Emotion and False Memory

Robin L. Kaplan
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, USA

Ilse Van Damme
Department of Psychology, KU Leuven (University of Leuven), Belgium

Linda J. Levine
Department of Psychology and Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine, USA

Elizabeth F. Loftus
Department of Psychology and Social Behavior and Department of Criminology, Law, and Society, University of California, Irvine, USA

Abstract

Emotional memories are vivid and lasting but not necessarily accurate. Under some conditions, emotion even increases people’s
susceptibility to false memories. This review addresses when and why emotion leaves people vulnerable to misremembering events.
Recent research suggests that pregoal emotions—those experienced before goal attainment or failure (e.g., hope, fear)—narrow
the scope of people’s attention to information that is central to their goals. This narrow focus can impair memory for peripheral
details, leaving people vulnerable to misinformation concerning those details. In contrast, postgoal emotions—those experienced
after goal attainment or failure (e.g., happiness, sadness)—broaden the scope of attention leaving people more resistant to
misinformation. Implications for legal contexts, such as emotion-related errors in eyewitness testimony, are discussed.

Keywords
emotion, eyewitness testimony, false memory, misinformation effect

Author note: The views expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the policies of the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Corresponding author: Linda J. Levine, Department of Psychology and Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine, 4209 Social and Behavioral Sciences Gateway, Irvine,
CA 92697-7085, USA. Email: llevine@uci.edu

601228 EMR0010.1177/1754073915601228Emotion ReviewKaplan et al. Emotion and False Memory
research-article2016

http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1177%2F1754073915601228&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2015-10-23

Kaplan et al. Emotion and False Memory 9

of emotion-related memory errors in legal contexts and outline
directions for further research.

The Malleability of Memory
When evaluating eyewitness testimony from victims or wit-
nesses of a crime, people commonly assume that memory is a
simple recording of past events that can be played back at will.
This assumption has been shown to be false. Researchers have
analyzed exonerations based on DNA evidence and found that
inaccurate memory and mistaken eyewitness identification are
the most common causes of false convictions in the United
States (Garrett, 2011). Errors occur because memories can be
altered by people’s subsequent knowledge or beliefs. In a well-
known study, Loftus, Miller, and Burns (1978) presented par-
ticipants with a slideshow depicting a car at a yield sign. Later,
some participants were informed that the car was at a stop sign
rather than at a yield sign. Those exposed to this misleading
information were significantly more likely to endorse having
seen the nonexistent stop sign. This study inspired hundreds of
investigations of what is now called “the misinformation effect”
which revealed the ease with which memories can be distorted
by the introduction of misleading information after an event has
been experienced (for a review, see Loftus, 2005).

Exposing people to misleading information about events can
also lead them to “remember” patently false events with great
confidence, ranging from childhood sexual abuse to alien abduc-
tions (Loftus & Bernstein, 2005; McNally et al., 2004).
Researchers have instilled memories for entire events that never
happened using techniques such as increasing their plausibility
(e.g., Hart & Schooler, 2006), repeated questioning (e.g., Loftus
& Pickrell, 1995), repeated imagination of events (e.g., Sharman
& Scoboria, 2009), and guided imagery (e.g., Hyman & Pentland,
1996). The resulting “rich false memories” are often confidently
held, highly detailed, and emotional (Loftus & Bernstein, 2005).

Far from providing an exact recording of events, then, peo-
ple’s memories are malleable. Memories may include errors
concerning what happened, when an event happened, where it
happened, and who was involved, or memories may be entirely
fabricated. Importantly, laboratory studies on false memory
mimic real-world practices in the criminal justice system. In
police interrogations, witnesses are often subject to repeated
questioning and may be asked to imagine events or confirm
false information. Misleading information provided to wit-
nesses by authority figures often appears plausible (Loftus &
Ketcham, 1996). Because people can be exposed to, and asked
to elaborate on, inaccurate information in a number of phases of
criminal investigations, memory distortions are common
(Loftus et al., 2013).

Emotional Arousal and Memory
Events that cause people to become involved in the legal system
are often extremely emotional, raising the issue of how emotion
affects people’s susceptibility to false memories. Researchers
examining this issue have focused primarily on emotional

arousal, the dimension of emotion that ranges from calm relaxa-
tion to intense excitement or tension. Their findings show that
several cognitive and biological processes contribute to vivid
and lasting memories of emotionally arousing events. People
pay more attention to emotional than neutral events and, as a
result, emotional events are more likely to be encoded in mem-
ory. Once encoded, stress hormones in the brain consolidate or
stabilize emotional memories making them more enduring
(McGaugh, 2004). People also think about and recount emo-
tional events more often than neutral events. Each of these pro-
cesses enhances memory for emotional information (Laney,
Campbell, Heuer, & Reisberg, 2004; Levine & Edelstein, 2009)
and can reduce people’s susceptibility to false memories
(English & Nielson, 2010).

Emotional arousal can also impair memory and increase sus-
ceptibility to misinformation, however (e.g., Drivdahl, Zaragoza,
& Learned, 2009). Whether emotion enhances or impairs mem-
ory depends greatly on how important the information being
remembered is to the individual. With increasing emotional
arousal, attention narrows to features of events that are of central
importance. This results in enhanced memory for central infor-
mation at the expense of peripheral details (Christianson &
Loftus, 1991), a phenomenon referred to as emotional memory
narrowing (Kensinger, 2009) or tunnel memory (Safer,
Christianson, Autry, & Osterland, 1998). Researchers have doc-
umented emotional memory narrowing both in laboratory stud-
ies (e.g., Kensinger, 2009) and across a wide range of real-world
events including natural disasters (Bahrick, Parker, Fivush, &
Levitt, 1998), physical injuries (Peterson & Bell, 1996), and
crime scenes (Reisberg & Heuer, 2007). Of particular relevance
to criminal investigations, laboratory studies provide evidence of
“weapon focus,” in which witnesses focus on and remember the
features of a crime scene that threaten safety, such as the weapon
used to commit the crime, at the expense of details such as the
perpetrator’s face or clothing that are of importance to police
(Loftus, Loftus, & Messo, 1987; Steblay, 1992). Rather than
enhancing memory generally, then, emotion often leads to a
trade-off in attention to, and memory for, central versus periph-
eral information.

Under conditions of severe emotional arousal or stress, peo-
ple may focus almost exclusively on survival, endurance, and
efforts to regulate emotion. This extremely narrow attentional
focus can result in poor memory even for the events that elic-
ited emotion (e.g., Deffenbacher, Bornstein, Penrod, &
McGorty, 2004) and leave people highly susceptible to misin-
formation. In a striking example, researchers assessed memory
for an interrogation in over 800 military personnel who were
going through survival training as part of the U.S. Navy
Survival School (Morgan, Southwick, Steffian, Hazlett, &
Loftus, 2013). Trainees were placed in a mock prisoner of war
camp and endured a stressful interrogation that involved threats
and physical assault. Researchers later interviewed participants
about their experiences and provided inaccurate information
such as a photograph that falsely depicted their interrogator.
Participants’ memory was poor both for details of the interro-
gation and for the interrogator. In some conditions, more than

10 Emotion Review Vol. 8 No. 1

half of the trainees falsely identified their interrogator (also see
Houston, Clifford, Phillips, & Memon, 2013). Thus, memories
of events that are highly stressful and evoke extreme levels of
emotional arousal are vulnerable to substantial error following
exposure to misinformation.

Laney and Loftus (2008) found that it is even possible to cre-
ate entirely false memories for emotional events such as being
hospitalized overnight or witnessing a violent fight between
one’s parents. When they compared memories for emotional
events described by participants who actually experienced them
versus by participants who were induced to believe they had
experienced them, true and false memories were indistinguisha-
ble on most dimensions. Similarly, people can generate detailed
but false memories of committing a crime. Using suggestive
interviewing techniques, Shaw and Porter (2015) induced under-
graduates to generate emotional false memories of having
engaged in theft, assault, or assault with a weapon that led to
police contact in their early adolescence. After three suggestive
interviews, including supposed corroboration by caregivers and
guided imagery, the majority of participants indicated that they
remembered having committed the crime and provided a detailed
false account. False memories of committing a crime were simi-
lar to memories of emotional events that had actually occurred
with respect to the presence of sensory details (e.g., visual, audi-
tory, and tactile details) and reported anxiety during the event.
This study showed that detailed false memories of committing
crimes can be generated in a controlled experimental setting and
reveals the types of conditions that may lead to false confessions.

In summary, whether emotional arousal promotes or impairs
memory accuracy depends on the features of events people are
asked to remember and the intensity of arousal they experience.
In addition to being influenced by people’s knowledge and
beliefs, memories are influenced by the focus of people’s atten-
tion—a process powerfully swayed by emotion. Emotional
arousal enhances memory for information that captures atten-
tion, features of events that are of the greatest importance to the
individual. However, this memory advantage often comes at the
expense of memory for peripheral details and can leave people
vulnerable to false memories concerning such details (for a
review, see Levine & Edelstein, 2009). Under conditions of
extreme stress, this narrow attentional focus can lead to overall
memory deficits and pronounced susceptibility to misinforma-
tion (Morgan et al., 2013). People are also able to piece together
fragments of autobiographical information with information
gathered from external sources to generate emotionally rich and
coherent memories of events that never occurred (Shaw &
Porter, 2015). The sobering implication of these findings for the
legal system is that, just because a remembered event is reported
with high confidence and strong emotion, does not mean it rep-
resents authentic experience.

Emotional Valence and Memory
The negative or positive tone of an individual’s emotional
response to an event may also affect his or her susceptibility
to false memories. According to Schwarz and Clore (2003),

emotional valence signals the type of information-processing
strategy likely to be most adaptive in the current circum-
stances. People experience negative emotion when problems
arise. Negative feelings signal the need to focus on problems
and carefully monitor the environment for information rele-
vant to addressing them. People experience positive emotion
when no problem requires their immediate attention. Positive
feelings signal that it is adaptive to attend to a broad range of
stimuli to take advantage of new opportunities.

The consequences of these differing information-processing
strategies for memory are not clear because the research literature
includes contradictory theories and findings. Some investigators
have found that people experiencing positive emotion are more
vulnerable to incorporating misleading information into memory
than people experiencing negative emotion. This may occur
because positive emotion promotes a broader and less detail-ori-
ented information-processing style than negative emotion, allow-
ing people to confuse events they witnessed with similar events
that they did not witness (e.g., Forgas, Laham, & Vargas, 2005;
Kensinger & Schacter, 2006; Levine & Bluck, 2004).

Other investigators have argued that, by narrowing the scope
of attention to central information, negative emotional arousal
(rather than emotional arousal generally or positive emotion)
leaves people susceptible to memory errors concerning periph-
eral details (Berntsen, 2002; Waring & Kensinger, 2009; also
see Porter, Taylor, & ten Brinke, 2008). For instance, people
remembering negative photographs had fewer false memories
about central details of the images, but more false memories
about peripheral details, than people remembering positive or
neutral photographs (Van Damme & Smets, 2014). These find-
ings raise concerns about the accuracy of people’s memory for
negative, arousing information in legal settings. Witnesses
recalling a crime scene, and jurors presented with upsetting tes-
timony during a trial, are likely to remember central, threatening
details. However, they may be susceptible to misinformation
concerning peripheral details, such as the setting in which the
crime occurred, that are important for establishing a defendant’s
innocence or guilt.

Like arousal, then, emotional valence influences memory
but is a fickle guide to whether particular memories will be
resistant or susceptible to distortion. Research findings conflict
concerning whether people are more susceptible to false memo-
ries when experiencing positive emotion or negative emotion.
Moreover, research on valence neglects potential effects of dis-
crete emotions on memory. Events that come to the attention of
the legal community are typically emotionally arousing and
negative but individuals may react to these events with fear,
anger, or despair. These considerations have prompted investi-
gators to take a more nuanced approach to examining the effects
of emotion on memory that takes into account a third dimension
of emotion, its motivational intensity.

Motivational Intensity and Memory
To understand the effects of emotion on memory it is essential
to consider the goals and motivations associated with specific

Kaplan et al. Emotion and False Memory 11

emotions and the relevance of the information being remem-
bered to these goals. Motivational or goal relevance approaches
distinguish between pregoal and postgoal emotions and pro-
vide insight into the specific types of information likely to be
remembered in different emotional states (e.g., Harmon-Jones,
Price, & Gable, 2012; Kaplan, Van Damme, & Levine, 2012;
Levine & Edelstein, 2009; Levine & Pizarro, 2004; Montagrin,
Brosch, & Sander, 2013). According to appraisal theories (e.g.,
Ellsworth & Doughterty, 2016; Scherer, 1999), emotions are
inherently tied to changes in the status of people’s goals. People
experience emotions when they perceive that goal attainment
or failure is imminent or has occurred, making it necessary for
them to modify their beliefs, plans, or goals. Once evoked,
emotions direct cognition and motivate action in a manner that
is useful for ensuring, preventing, or adjusting to those changes
in the status of goals.

Pregoal emotions, such as desire, hope, anger, fear, and dis-
gust, reflect appraisals that goal attainment or failure is antici-
pated or threatened. These emotions, irrespective of their
positive or negative valence, are characterized by high motiva-
tional intensity and an impetus to act. When experiencing pre-
goal emotion, people’s attention narrows to information that is
central to their goals. For example, anger prepares people to
remove obstacles to their goals, and fear prepares people to
avoid or escape threats to their goals (Cunningham & Brosch,
2012). Because the angry individual focuses on the agent
obstructing a goal, and the fearful individual focuses on the
source of threat, the range of information attended to, encoded
in, or retrieved from memory is narrow. This narrow focus
leads to poorer memory for details that are not relevant to the
individual’s current goal, resulting in greater vulnerability to
misinformation concerning those details. In contrast, postgoal
emotions, such as happiness and sadness, are lower in motiva-
tional intensity because they reflect appraisals that goal attain-
ment or failure has already occurred. When experiencing
postgoal emotions, attention broadens as people consider the
consequences of goal attainment or failure, change their beliefs
and expectations, and orient toward new goals. Thus, postgoal
emotions increase the breadth of information processing,
allowing people to encode and retrieve peripheral details
(Kaplan et al., 2012).

Examining the motivations associated with specific emo-
tions, and their implications for cognition, represents a promis-
ing theoretical approach that helps to resolve seemingly
contradictory findings in the literature. For example, research
showing cognitive narrowing for negative emotion, and broad-
ening for positive emotion, has often contrasted pregoal nega-
tive emotion (e.g., fear, disgust) with postgoal positive emotion
(e.g., happiness, amusement). Conflicting findings may reflect
the fact that emotions of the same valence can vary in motiva-
tional intensity. For example, Gable and Harmon-Jones (2010)
showed participants photographs that evoked disgust (pregoal),
sadness (postgoal), or a neutral state. They then assessed the
breadth of participants’ attention with a separate task. Viewing
disgusting images narrowed attention, and viewing sad pictures
broadened attention, relative to viewing neutral pictures.

Although research is sparse on how the motivations associ-
ated with specific emotions affect memory, we believe this
approach is important for understanding memory distortion in
legal settings. During a trial, jurors may be exposed to testi-
mony or gruesome photographs that evoke fear, anger, or dis-
gust. They may also be exposed to testimony or photographs
that convey the devastating impact a crime had on victims,
evoking sadness (Bandes & Salerno, 2014). Further research is
needed to understand how pregoal emotions such as anger and
fear, and postgoal emotions such as sadness, affect the specific
types of information that witnesses and jurors attend to, encode,
and retrieve and their susceptibility to false memories.

In a recent study, we assessed people’s susceptibility to
memory distortion when they were instructed to elaborate on
information associated with pregoal and postgoal emotions
(Van Damme, Kaplan, Levine, & Loftus, 2015). While watch-
ing a slideshow depicting an interaction between a woman and
her boyfriend, participants were asked to empathize with the
woman’s emotional state. For different groups of participants,
the woman was described as feeling hopeful (pregoal positive),
fearful (pregoal negative), happy (postgoal positive), or devas-
tated (postgoal negative). After watching the slideshow, partici-
pants were asked to reflect on the interaction they had witnessed,
including events that had actually occurred in the slideshow
(true events) and events that did not occur (false events). Later,
participants’ memory was tested for true and false events that
were relevant or irrelevant to the woman’s goals. Participants in
the pregoal conditions (hope, fear) remembered more false
events that were irrelevant to the woman’s goals than partici-
pants in the postgoal conditions (happiness, devastation).
Participants in the pregoal conditions were also more confident
in correctly rejecting goal-relevant false events than participants
in the postgoal conditions. These findings are consistent with
the view that, irrespective of emotional valence, pregoal emo-
tion enhances memory for information relevant to goal pursuit
at the expense of irrelevant information (Harmon-Jones, Price,
& Gable, 2012; Kaplan et al., 2012; Montagrin et al., 2013).

Conclusions
Scholars across a multitude of disciplines have called for a more
complete understanding of the role emotion plays in legal pro-
cesses (Bornstein & Wiener, 2010). Research shows that memo-
ries are shaped, and can be misshaped, by people’s knowledge
and beliefs, attention, and motivation—all processes that are
influenced by emotion. People’s most vivid and lasting memo-
ries are typically emotional ones. These memories are selective,
however. When experiencing intense emotion, people attend to
the features of events that are most relevant to their current
goals, promoting detailed and accurate memory for that central
information. This advantage comes at the expense of memory
for information that is not relevant to their goals and can leave
people vulnerable to misinformation concerning such details.
Under conditions of extreme stress, attentional narrowing can
lead to overall memory deficits and pronounced susceptibility
to misinformation.

12 Emotion Review Vol. 8 No. 1

These findings have important implications for practitioners
in the legal system. Eyewitnesses are often asked to remember
details of events that were extremely stressful long after the
events occurred. They may be exposed to misleading informa-
tion about the events from other witnesses’ reports, leading
questions by investigators, and pretrial news reports (Frenda,
Nichols, & Loftus, 2011). Because memory for emotional
events is both selective and malleable, law enforcement profes-
sionals should take great care that witnesses are not exposed to
information that might alter their memories. For jurors and
judges listening to emotional testimony, these findings mean
that testimony should not be given more credibility simply
because it is conveyed with emotion. Witnesses may convey
information with substantial emotion but be inaccurate. They
may even be genuinely emotional about memories that are
entirely false (Laney & Loftus, 2008; McNally et al., 2004;
Shaw & Porter, 2015). Information about memory processes
should be a standard component of the instructions given to
jurors and of the education received by law enforcement person-
nel, attorneys, and judges.

Investigators have also examined the specific dimensions of
emotional experience that render people most susceptible to
false memories. The findings are complex and investigators
have variously claimed that people are rendered most suscepti-
ble to misinformation by intense emotional arousal, positive
emotion, or negative emotion. We have argued that a more
nuanced approach is needed that takes into account the motiva-
tions associated with discrete emotions. Emotions high in moti-
vational intensity, such as fear, disgust, and anger, powerfully
direct attention to features of events that are of central impor-
tance to the individual for avoiding threats and removing obsta-
cles to their goals. When people’s attentional resources are
limited, misinformation effects are easier to obtain (Loftus,
2005). Thus, this narrow focus leaves people susceptible to false
memories concerning features of events that are peripheral to
their goals. Investigating the effects of discrete emotions on
people’s susceptibility to false memories represents an impor-
tant research direction for the field of memory and the law.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declare that there is no conflict of interest.

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