View the library tutorial on using the GCU databases and the empirical journal checklist. Find a scholarly peer reviewed journal from the library. Select a research study (complete with Method, Results, and Discussion sections).

In 750-1,000 words, analyze the article.

1. List the research question(s)/hypothesis being considered in the article.
2. Summarize the study being conducted, including the purpose of the study.
3. Describe the method and design used to test the research question(s)/hypothesis, including:

   Discuss if you believe the method and design was the correct method and design for the study. If not, what would your suggestion for method and design be?
   Describe the variables, how were they defined and operationalized?

      4.  Discuss if the study is ethically sound. Why or why not. What elements are present, or lacking, to show it is ethically sound.

Include at least two to four scholarly sources.

Prepare this assignment according to the guidelines found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.

RACIAL PROFILING I SMITH & MASON

The Age of Racial Profiling in the Context of Terrorism
Amanda L. Smith and Susan E. Mason

Niagara University

R acial profiling refers to the law enforcement practice o f using only race or ethnicity as probable cause to search or
arrest an individual. The public has fo u n d racial profiling to be unjustified in the context o f common crime, but
tends to support the practice in the context o f terrorism. The current study uses an explicit ju d g m e n t survey to
examine the expression ofprejudice andfactors that influence stereotyping. The study fo u n d that participants aged
1 8 to 24, a n d those who identified w ith a political party, were the participants most likely to racially profile
individuals w ith stereotypical M iddle-E astern features to be p o ten tia l terrorists.

Keywords: stereotypes, terrorism, racial profiling, public opinion o f racial profiling

Traditional criminal profiling began w hen law
enforcement officers described an individual
who had already com m itted a crime (Newman
& Brown, 2009; Schildkraut, 2009). A profile,
which was given to officers and the public to
find a subject, included a physical description,
behavioral classifications and social or criminal
associations (Newman & Brown, 2009). In the
1980s and 1990s the traditional criminal
profile was replaced w ith racial or ethnic
profiling (Newman 8c Brown, 2009). T he war
on drugs, started by President Ronald Reagan,
triggered police officers to tighten control over
drug districts, which were unfortunately
inhabited by more minority races than
Caucasians (Newman 8c Brown, 2009;
Schildkraut, 2009). By the end o f the 1990s
law enforcem ent was using the highly
controversial m ethod o f racial profiling w ith
race or ethnicity as the primary factor
considered for stop and frisk decisions
(Newman 8c Brown, 2009; Johnson et al.,
2011; Jadallah 8c el-Koury, 2010). D istrust o f
the police began w hen results from numerous
studies were released showing th at law
enforcem ent unfairly targeted African
Americans and Hispanics in a phenom enon
that became known as “driving while black”
(Newman 8c Brown, 2009).

T h e conceptual framework for racial
profiling developed during W orld W ar II w ith

the negative treatm ent o f Japanese and
Japanese Americans by the U nited States
government and citizens (Johnson et al., 2011).
A t th at time the negative stereotypes held by
Americans o f an other, alien race were triggered
after an event that was perceived as an attack
on the in-group. D ue to the level o f violence in
the attack, this other race became known as an
enemy and was treated as such. T h en w hen the
wars on drugs and crime occurred in the 80s
and 90s racial profiling became ram pant in law
enforcem ent and the general population
(Newman 8c Brown, 2009; Johnson et al,
2011). Actions o f ethnic or racial profiling can
range from stopping an individual based solely
on racial appearance to searching the person or
property, placing the individual under arrest or
removing the person from the com m unity (i.e.,
deportation or confinement) (Schildkraut,
2009).

A fter the terrorist attacks in the U nited
States on September 11th, 2001, national
security was a major concern o f the
government and o f US citizens (Hanley, 2012;
Newm an 8c Brown, 2009; Zakaria et al.,
2002). T h e concept o f “driving while black”
changed to “flying while brown” and “walking
while Arab” w ith tightened Transportation
Security A dm inistration restrictions in airports
and threats perceived by the American people
on their homeland by Arabs, M uslims and

MODERN PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDIES 75

RACIAL PROFILING I SMITH & MASON

M iddle Eastern descendants (Newman 8c
Brown, 2009; Jadallah 8c el-Koury, 2010 ;
Zarom b, Butler, Agarwal 8c Roediger 2014).
Although terrorism is not a new form o f
warfare unique to the 20th and 21st centuries,
scholars still struggle to develop a precise
definition that takes into consideration the
requirements, purpose and agents who
participate in terror tactics (Onwudiwe, 2005).
T he most basic definition th at m ost scholars
and experts agree on is that terrorism is the
threat or use o f violence on an audience w ith
the intention o f causing fear in a target group
for political, religious or other ends. Eliciting
fear in a population is a strong motivator for
that group to listen to the perpetrator and can
serve as a trigger for patriotism and an increase
in prejudice against the other group (Oswald,
2005). However, terror acts are not easily
restricted to a certain social group. T h e
uncertainty o f who the perpetrators are, and
could be, heightens the fear felt by the
population. Social bonds between in-group
individuals are strengthened, and out-group
derogation results from the combination o f
group cohesion and perceived threat (Oswald,
2005).

In 2000 there were 354 reported attacks on
individuals o f M iddle Eastern descent and
M uslims (Oswald, 2005). A fter the 9/11 terror
attacks there was an explosion o f hate crimes
against M uslims and those categorized as Arab
(Hollenbaugh, 2009). In the weeks after 9/11
a confirmed total o f 27 individuals were
banned from airlines purely because o f their
Arab race and there were 520 recorded, or
reported, violent hate crimes on persons
labeled by the perpetrators as M iddle Eastern.
By the end o f 2001 there were 1,501 attacks
reported – a substantial increase th at could
reasonably be attributed to the events o f 9/11
(Oswald, 2005). Directly after 9/11, public
opinion polls dem onstrated a sharp increase in
support for the use o f racial profiling by law
enforcem ent to prevent another terror attack

(Hanley, 2012; Jadallah 8c el-Koury, 2010;
Jonson et ah, 2011; Newm an 8c Brown, 2009;
Zakaria et ah, 2002). T h e percentage o f
Americans who disapproved o f the process had
been around 60% before the attacks, and after
9/11 the approval rating was measured to be
80% (Jadallah 8c el-Koury, 2010). These
percentages did not just reflect immediate
reaction to the terror attacks o f September
11th, but were relatively consistent over the
next couple o f years (Johnson et ah, 2011).
Even before 9/11 Americans began to equate
M uslim w ith Arab (Suleiman, 1999). This can
still be seen over a decade later. Both groups
are viewed as alien and other, and the two
categories have been used interchangeably to
describe a new threat from the M iddle Eastern
region (Suleiman, 1999; Jenkins, Ruppel,
Kizer, Yehl 8c Griffin, 2012).

As the nation’s negative view o f Arabs,
Muslims and those o f M iddle Eastern descent
worsened, the use o f racial profiling by law
enforcem ent in the context o f terrorism
became an issue. T h e traditional criminal
profile m orphed once again, only after 9/11 the
profile created was for a suspected terrorist
(Newman 8c Brown, 2009). Terrorist profiling
is defined as the suspicion o f a person being
involved in a terrorist act because o f physical
characteristics and behavioral cues (Newman
8c Brown, 2009). T h e use o f a profile that takes
into account social connections and behavioral
cues along w ith racial descriptions is
considered acceptable; but an issue arises when
an official uses race as the main reason for
suspecting an individual o f involvement in a
terror plot. There is no evidence that suggests
the use o f racial profiling works in the context
o f crime, or in the context o f terrorism
(Hanley, 2012; Newm an 8c Brown, 2009;
Johnson et al., 2011; Schildkraut, 2009;
Zakaria et al., 2002). Race is too broad o f a
category, and too dependent on social
definitions, to be o f much use in searching for
criminal suspects (Zakaria et al., 2002). I f

MODERN PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDIES 76

RACIAL PROFILING I SMITH & MASON

officials focus on the race o f an individual when
searching, it can become a distraction from the
reality o f the situation (Zakaria et ah, 2002).

W hile the act o f terrorism has been
around for centuries, the majority o f
psychological research on the topic has
occurred w ithin the last twenty or thirty years
(Newman 8c Brown, 2009; Johnson et ah,
2011). There has been substantial research on
the effects and uselessness o f racial profiling in
the context o f com m on crime by law
enforcem ent and w hether the public finds the
use o f racial profiling by officers to be justified
in either context (Jadallah 8c el-Koury, 2010 ;
Johnson et ah, 2011; N ewm an 8cBrown, 2009;
Onwudiwe, 2005; Reitzel 8c Piquero, 2006;
Sulieman, 1999; Zakaria et al., 2002; Zarom b
et al., 2014).

W h a t is currently lacking in psychological
literature is research on the general public’s use
o f these racial techniques outside o f law
enforcement. H ere racial profiling is not in
relation to protecting the borders where
extreme caution is taken by officials who screen
those coming into the country. It is purely
racism or prejudice against an individual the
public has labeled as Arab, or M iddle Eastern
or M uslim. This is the racial profiling that can
be harmful to the country, resulting in hate
crimes and alienation o f innocent persons, and
can lead to the national security and safety
concerns that are stated as the reasons for
profiling in the first place.

Race o f the respondent is the most
consistent predictor o f attitude toward the use
o f racial profiling (Jonson et al., 2011). W hites
are m ost likely to approve the process in
preventing crime and terrorism (Jadallah 8c el-
Koury, 2010; Johnson et al., 2011; Schildkraut,
2009). This is also seen in airport security
situation studies where minority group
members are significantly less likely to justify
the use o f racial profiling at airports (G abbidon
et al., 2009). Research has also shown that
older adults are more likely than younger adults

to justify racial profiling by law enforcem ent in
the name o f national security, and more likely
to express prejudicial views (Johnson et al.,
2011; Reitzel 8c Piquero, 2006; Oswald, 2005;
Schildkraut, 2009). M en are found to be more
in support o f racial profiling than women
(Johnson et al., 2011; Schildkraut, 2009), and
those who identify as conservatives are more
likely than those who consider themselves
liberals to justify the use o f racial profiling in
the context o f terrorism (Johnson et al., 2011;
Reitzel 8c Piquero, 2006; Schildkraut, 2009).

T h e social norm o f a group is another
predictor o f expressed prejudice (Crandall,
Eshleman 8c O’Brien, 2002). I f a group is
against those who fit the stereotype o f Arab,
then discrimination and racial profiling will be
seen more often. Individuals w ith lower levels
o f education, those located in the Southern
region (versus N orthern region) o f the U nited
States and W estern and Internationally-
located respondents all show a greater
prevalence o f prejudice in the context o f
terrorism (Oswald, 2005). T h e vast majority o f
Americans find racial profiling in the context
o f terrorism to be more useful and more
justifiable than its use by police in the general
context o f crime (Jadallah 8c el-Khoury, 2010;
Johnson et al., 2011; Newm an 8cBrown, 2009;
Schildkraut, 2009; Suleiman, 1999).

T h e aim o f the present study was to further
advance our understanding o f the factors that
contribute to an individual’s use o f racial
profiling in the context o f terrorism. A n
explicit judgm ent survey was used to assess
individuals’ perceptions o f those o f M iddle
Eastern descent. In addition, age and political
affiliation were examined as contributing
factors to individuals’ use o f racial profiling in
the context o f terrorism. Based on the current
literature in the fields o f psychology, political
science, sociology, criminology and criminal
justice, it was hypothesized that racial profiling
o f stereotypical M iddle-Eastern individuals as
potential terrorists would be more common in

MODERN PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDIES 77

RACIAL PROFILING I SMITH & MASON

older as compared to younger adults, and more
com m on in those who identify themselves as
having conservative views as compared to those
who identify themselves as having liberal
views.

Methods

Participants

A total o f 270 individuals participated in the
present study. Volunteers were recruited from
university classrooms (195 participants aged
18-24 years) and from community groups (25
participants aged 25-44; 20 participants aged
45-64; 30 participants aged 65 or older).

In the student sample there were 68 men
and 127 women. Based on their responses to a
demographic questionnaire, 81.1% o f the
student participants were Caucasian, 7.7%
were Black or African American, 4.6% were
Hispanic, 3.6% were Native American or
Indigenous/ Aboriginal, 1.5% were Asian or
Pacific Islander and 1% identified as Arab or
M iddle Eastern. O f the students included in
the sample, 23.5% identified as Republican,
26% identified as Dem ocrat, 17.3% identified
as Independent, 31.1% identified w ith no
political party, and a small percentage (2%)
selected an “other” category.

T he com m unity sample included 26 men
and 48 women. Based on self-report data, the
com m unity sample was 90% Caucasians, 5.3%
Black or African Americans and 2.7%
Hispanics. O f the community participants,
42.5% identified as Republican, 26% identified
as Dem ocrat, 12.3% identified as Independent,
16.4% identified as having no political
affiliation, and a small portion (2.7%)
identified as belonging to an “other” party.
Procedure

A fter responding to demographic
questions, participants were given a six-page
booklet. Each o f the six pages included six
black-and-white headshots. For each group o f

six pictures, participants were asked to select
the individual they believed to most likely be
the terrorist in the group.

All 36 o f the pictures in the booklet were
photographs o f known terrorists. Based on
physical characteristics, 14 were classified as
Caucasian, 12 as M iddle-Eastern, 7 as Asian,
and 3 as Hispanic. All 36 were men. T he
identities o f the terrorists were verified and the
profile pictures were obtained from the FBI’s
M ost W an ted Terrorists listing online and a
search o f names gathered from
w w w .start.um d.edu/gtd and
www.rand.org/ nsrd/projects/terrorism –
incidents.htm l, which included members o f
the Japanese Red Army and the Irish
Republican Army. Pictures were cropped or
enlarged for consistency o f presentation; no
other alterations were made.

Results and Discussion

Profiling Score

T h e num ber o f times a participant
identified an individual w ith stereotypical
M iddle-Eastern physical characteristics as the
likely terrorist was compared to the num ber o f
times a participant chose a Caucasian. T he
difference between those two numbers was
considered the participant’s “profiling score”.
Table 1 displays the profiling score means and
standard deviations for each age group.

A single-sample t test was used to compare
the sample profiling scores to a population
value o f zero. It should be noted th at to use
zero as the comparison value is to take a
conservative approach, given th at there were
more Caucasian pictures included in the
questionnaire and chance responding would
have resulted in a negative profiling score
rather than zero.

Significant profiling was found in both the
student sample (/ (194) = 6.525, p < .001, 95% C l: [1.064, 1.987]) and in the community

MODERN PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDIES 78

http://www.start.umd.edu/gtd

http://www.rand.org/

RACIAL PROFILING I SMITH & MASON

sample as a whole (t (74) = 2.272, p = .026, 95%
C l: [.099, 1.502]). Participants in each group
were more likely to identify those w ith a
M iddle-Eastern appearance as terrorists.
Unexpectedly, the profiling scores o f the
students and the youngest com m unity group
were twice as high as the profiling scores o f the
two oldest com m unity groups. This finding is
inconsistent w ith previous research, which has
shown older adults to be more likely than
younger adults to justify racial profiling. T he
relatively low profiling scores o f older adults
may be explained, partially, by the fact that the
older adults were more likely to have
recognized one o f the Caucasian terrorists,
T im othy McVeigh.

T im o th y M eV eigh

T im othy M cVeigh was a white male in his
early-twenties from Lockport, a city in western
New York only 20 miles from the primary data
collection site for the present study. O n April
19th, 1995 McVeigh, along w ith accomplice
Terry Nichols, planted a bomb in a truck
parked in front o f the Alfred P. M urrah
Federal Building in Oklahom a City. T he
bomb blast resulted in over 165 deaths and
buildings in a 16-block radius surrounding the
Federal Building were destroyed or damaged.
B oth M cVeigh and Nichols were arrested and
convicted. M cVeigh was sentenced to death
and died in 2001; Nichols was sentenced to life
in prison. T h e Oklahom a C ity bom bing to this
day is the largest domestic-based terror attack
recorded in the U nited States. Tim othy
M cVeigh and Terry Nichols were 2 o f the 36
terrorists included in the study.

A forward logistic regression was conducted
to determine which independent variables
(age, gender, if participants watched the news,
and if any faces presented in the survey were
familiar to the participant) were predictors o f
identifying T im othy M cVeigh as a likely
terrorist. Regression results indicated the

overall model fit o f two predictors (age and a
familiar face was seen in the survey) were
statistically reliable (A2 (5) = 52.390, p < .001, 95% CL [.075, .625]). T h e model correctly classified about 86% o f the cases analyzed. Wald statistics indicated th at age o f the participant, and if a participant indicated a familiar face was seen, were significantly predictive o f identifying T im othy M cVeigh as a terrorist.

A comparison o f the frequencies
dem onstrated that the predictive factor o f age
group for the choice o f T im othy M cVeigh was
strong. O f the overall population sampled, a
total o f 17.7% o f participants chose Tim othy
M cVeigh. T h e percentage was lowest for the
students aged 18-24 years (10.9%); higher for
the com m unity members aged 25-44 years
(28.6%); even higher for the community
members aged 45-64 years (38.9%); and
highest for the com m unity members aged 65
years and older (42.3%).

Despite the fact that more pictures o f
Caucasians were included than pictures o f
M iddle Easterners, and one o f the Caucasians
was recognized by some to be a known
terrorist, each o f the age groups dem onstrated
racial profiling. T h a t the experiment yielded
these results in 2015, fourteen years after the
incidents in 2001 on September 11th, is an
indication o f the strength and endurance o f
stereotypes. T h e violence and devastation to
the U nited States o f the terror attacks on the
W orld Trade Centers in N ew York City, the
Pentagon and the tragic heroism o f Flight 93
had such a significant impact th at most
Americans remember where they were, w hat
they were doing and w hat happened afterward
to this day. I f the media’s stories were tracked,
the mainstream news outlets would m ile-m ark
the year and remembrance ceremonies around
the country on 9/11 every year. Families o f the
victims would be seen and memories rehashed
the whole day, always connecting the terror
attacks to A l-Q aeda in the M iddle-East, and

MODERN PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDIES 79

RACIAL PROFILING I SMITH & MASON

to the perpetrators who infiltrated our country
to learn and then attacked innocent civilians
from w ithin our borders. These sentiments and
honors to the victims and their families are
certainly justified. Yet, the complete and
unrelenting anger and discrimination o f a very
vaguely defined ‘race’ or ethnicity is not
justifiable. T he present study dem onstrated a
prejudice against M iddle-Eastern individuals,
and that prejudice was seen across age groups.
W hile younger adults may report a disapproval
o f racial profiling in the context o f common
crime and to a lesser extent in the context o f
terrorism, they did rely on a stereotype when
identifying a terrorist.

Political Affiliation

Unexpectedly, there was no significant
difference (/ (94) = .824, p = .412, 95% C l: [-
.755, 1.826]) between the profiling scores o f
students who identified as Democrats (N = 51,
M = 1.726, SD = 3.418) and those who
identified as Republicans (N = 45, M = 2.261,
SD = 2.932). For many people, the Democrats
in the U nited States represent the fight against
discrimination o f any kind, but especially
w ithin racial relations. It is this common
understanding that makes the results found
intriguing. O ne plausible explanation is that
the topic o f terrorism is highly controversial
and complex because o f the high level o f fear
associated w ith the acts recognized as terror
attacks. T h e sense o f being “American” and
national singularity against an enemy other may
trum p any race ideologies in the context o f
terrorism. T he violence o f the attack may also
have a strong influence on an individual’s
prejudicial expressions.

A n independent-sam ples t test compared
the mean profiling scores o f the students who
identified w ith a political party (Republican or
Democrat; N = 96) to those who identified
w ith no specific political ideology
(Independent or no political affiliation; N =

95). T h e independent-samples t test found a
significant difference between the means o f the
two groups (t (189) = 2.201, p = .029, 95% Cl:
[-1.933, -.106]). T h e mean o f the political
affiliation group (M = 2.019, SD = 3.156) was
significantly higher than the mean o f the group
th at had no political affiliations (M = 1.00, SD
= 3.329).

A n independent t test was also used to
compare the mean profiling scores o f the
community group members (aged 25 and
older) who identified w ith a political party (M
= .280, SD = 3.003) and those who did not
identify w ith a political organization (M =
1.809, SD = 3.076). A marginally significant
difference was found in the same direction as
was found in the student sample. Com m unity
participants who did not identify as Democrats
or Republicans were less likely to use profiling
than those who did (/ (69) = 1.945, p = .056,
95% C l: [-3.099, .039]).

T h e finding that those who identified as
Independents or as having no political
affiliation had lower profiling scores may
indicate that profiling in the context o f
terrorism is lessened in those w ith weaker
political-social connections because they do
not hold the social definitions associated with
a particular political ideology. In the U nited
States social groups are partially defined by the
political party or political ideas held by the
group members. Therefore, it is reasonable to
assume we are more likely to converse about
deeper issues and socialize over longer periods
o f time w ith individuals who share our political
and social beliefs. Previous research has shown
conversations am ongst peer groups have a
strong impact on the details remembered and
the formations o f a common frame o f reference
against which new information is viewed.
Thus, those w ith similar perceptions o f the
world may reinforce historical representations
o f an other race or ethnicity and continue
prejudice as a result. By having such drastic
views w ithin our political sphere, if one

MODERN PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDIES 80

RACIAL PROFILING I SMITH & MASON

belongs to a specific party than he or she is in
increased and constant contact w ith
individuals who share a similar worldview and
segregated from those who have a different
point-of-view. W e tend to share more in a
conversation w hen we agree w ith those in the
discussion, while rem aining silent on topics
when we find ourselves in disagreement. I t can
be seen th at those participants who identified
as belonging to no political party had lower
profiling scores. This same grouping o f
individuals has no significant political force
alienating them from others due to a
constructed social group.

Conclusions

T h e present study dem onstrated racial
profiling o f M iddle Eastern individuals in the
context o f terrorism. Profiling was more likely
to occur in the younger age groups than in the
older age groups, and it was more likely to
occur in individuals affiliated w ith a major
political party than those who did not claim
party affiliation. T h a t prejudice exists in
m odern America is a fact that is clearly
understood w hen discussing white and black
color lines and the context o f common crime.
However, because o f the nature o f terrorism
and the fear it produces in the target
population, prejudice in this context receive
less attention. T h e use o f racial profiling in the
context o f terrorism can be just as harmful as it
is in any other context. H undreds are targeted
based solely on their race or ethnicity. N o t only
are the persons experiencing discrimination in
their lives h u rt by the use o f the practice, the
individuals condoning or participating in the
use o f such prejudice are as well. T h e
continued, unfiltered use o f cognitive
frameworks based on negative historical
representations o f M iddle-Eastern individuals
can perpetuate violence and those joining
terror groups. Negative stigma and biased
media accounts o f past and recent events can

also contribute to a cycle that is
counterproductive to combating terrorism.

I t is recommended that future research
focus on racial profiling in the context o f
terrorism. I f the goal is to reduce or eliminate
profiling in that context, it will be im portant to
gain a better understanding o f the prejudices
held against the M iddle East and the land’s
people. By determ ining how those prejudices
are formed and maintained, it may be possible
to develop m ethods to reduce the prejudice
that underlies racial profiling.

References
Crandall, C. S., Eshleman, A., & O’Brien, L. (2002). Social

norms and the expression and suppression o f prejudice:
The struggle for internalization. Journal o f Personality and
Social Psychology, 82, 359-378. doi:10.1037/0022-
3514.82.3.359

Gabbidon, S. L. (2009). T he influence o f race/ethnicity on the
perceived prevalence and support for racial profiling at
airports. Criminal Justice Policy Review (0887-
4034), 20, p. 344.

Hanley, D. C. (2012). It’s time to end racial, religious and
ethnic profiling o f Americans. Washington Report nn
Middle East Affairs, 31, 27-28.

Hollenbaugh, R. A. (2009). Pearl harbored: Race, gender and
public memories o f Pearl H arbor and
9/11/2001. Dissertation Abstracts International Section
A, 70, 3207.

Jadallah, D ., & el-Khoury, L. (2010). State power and the
constitution o f the individual: Racial profiling o f Arab
Americans. Arab Studies Quarterly, 32, 218-237.

Jenkins, W . J., Ruppel, S. E., Kizer, J. B., Yehl, J. L., &
Griffin, J. L. (2012). A n examination o f post 9-11
attitudes towards Arab Americans. North American
Journal o f Psychology, 14, 77-84.

Johnson, D., Brazier, D., Forrest, K., Ketelhut, C., Mason, D.,
& Mitchell, M . (2011). Attitudes toward the use o f
racial/ethnic profiling to prevent crime and terrorism.
Criminal Justice Policy Review, 22, 422-447. doi:
10.1177/0887403410381801

Newman, D. W ., & Brown, N. D. (2009). Historical overview
and perceptions o f racial and terrorist profiling in an era
o f homeland security: A research note. Criminal Justice
Policy Review, 20, 359-374.

Onwudiwe, I. D. (2005). Defining terrorism, racial profiling
and the demonisation o f Arabs and Muslims in the USA.
Community Safety Journal, 4, 4-11.

Oswald, D. L. (2005). Understanding anti-Arab reactions
post-9/11: T he role o f threats, social categories, and
personal ideologies. Journal o f Applied Social
Psychology, 35, 1775-1799.

MODERN PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDIES 81

RACIAL PROFILING I SMITH & MASON

Reitzel, J., & Piquero, A. R. (2006). Does it exist? Studying
citizens’ attitudes o f racial profiling. Police Quarterly, 9,
161-183. doi:10.1177/1098611104264743

Schildkraut, D. J. (2009). T he dynamics o f public opinion on
ethnic profiling after 9/11: Results from a survey
experiment. American Behavioral Scientist, 53, 61-79.

Suleiman, M . W . (1999). Islam, Muslims and Arabs in
America: T he other o f the other o f the other. Journal of
Muslim Minority Affairs, 19, 33.

Zakaria, F., Underwood, A., Ali, L., Chong, J., El Sawy, N.,
Campo-Flores, A., 8 c … Wingert, P. (2002). Freedom vs.
security. Newsweek, 140, 26.

Zaromb, F., Butler, A., Agarwal, P., 8c Roediger, H. (2014).
Collective memories o f three wars in United States
history in younger and older adults. Memory & Cognition,
42, 383-399. doi:10.3758/sl3421-013-0369-7

Appendix

Sample Size_____M ean

Table 1
P r o filin g Scores
Age G roup
1 8 – 2 4 years
25 – 44 years
45 – 64 years
65 and older

195 1.526
25 1.200
20 .600
30 .600

Standard Deviation
3.273
3.559
3.362
2.372

MODERN PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDIES 82

Copyright of Modern Psychological Studies is the property of Modern Psychological Studies
and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without
the copyright holder’s express written permission. However, users may print, download, or
email articles for individual use.