You should take your time to review the course materials and provide well-developed responses, void of plagiarism (copying and pasting, even your own work) and reach a total of 4-5 pages double spaced or approximately 1000-1250 words.

1) cosmetic surgery- apply DuBois 4 points of authenticity (for us, by us, near us, about us) to the topic.  What is the history/creation of this topic? How do they apply or discuss these points?  How/why is this topic important for Asian Americans as a point of cultural production? (5 points) 

2) beauty pageants -shows intersectional identities at work.  What is the history/creation of this topic? Explain how they are represented, in conflict or working together in the creation of the popular culture phenomenon.  (5 points)
3) import cars-explain how it is an act of hybridity. What is the history/creation of this topic? Explain the cultures being blended and how Asian Americans have utilized this to their advantage in creating this popular culture phenomenon.  (5 points) 

The practice of citizenship

 When we think about citizenship, it’s usually the manner in which a person is given legal rights within a country.  Citizenship in the U.S. can be granted through birth, or through

naturalization.
 by which an immigrant is granted U.S. citizenship after they fulfill the requirements established by Congress in the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA).  Race as a determinate was established as early as 

1790 with the Naturalization Act.

 That set aside citizenship for “free white persons.”  This targeted the populations that were nonwhite in the U.S. at that time (African American slaves and freed persons and Native Americans) and carried over to every immigrant who eventually made their way to the U.S.  Equating whiteness to citizenry would translate to all facets of society, even in the world of beauty pageants.  

We will see the practice of citizenship in terms of demonstrating acts of belonging, perceived authenticity, and the cultural citizenship performed through beauty pageants. The way we would apply cultural citizenship is through the performance of rules, norms and acts within the beauty pageant realms (inception of the pageants, qualifications, evolution, and conflicts).  The culture within mainstream beauty pageants would then be adapted and altered by Asian Americans.  Through this week’s lecture we will look at an American popular culture phenomenon that was developed to build commerce and evolved to a longstanding national tradition.  Through exclusion, Asian Americans will adapt parts of the American pageants and develop their own, perpetuating the rules of exclusion-by race. 

Roots: Miss America  

“In the summer of 1921, on the boardwalk of Atlantic City, an American icon was born”.  This quote is the first line from the History page of the Miss America website.  The “American icon” (Miss America) embodied nation, gender, and race, and the contest attracted tourists and locals alike to spend their time and money in the Atlantic City Boardwalk.  This ploy worked well.  The idea of having beautiful women as lures for tourists to pour their money into this new attraction was simple and effective.  The symbol that she represented for the nation was much more than “just a pretty face”, she was the embodiment of America. 

The Miss America winner, Margaret Gorman (as photographed above) was said to be the “ideal American woman”, representing “the type of womanhood America needs; strong, red-blooded, able to shoulder the responsibilities of home-making and motherhood” (Samuel Gompers, AFL president).  Not surprising for the time, gendered roles were celebrated along with the physical beauty of a woman.  Gendered roles and expectations of what a fine American woman would be were cemented through this contest.  The heteronormative (the idea that heterosexuality is the only normal expression of sexuality) gendered roles were standard for the time and were not going to be challenged (at least not until women’s rights movements decades later).  Race, the white race in particular, would also be an expectation or requisite until 1950 when the rule was abolished.  

PBS has a copy of contract (Links to an external site.)

 for sponsors from 1948 that shows the participants requirements.  Take a look at it, you’ll be referring to it in this week’s assignment.  Of course

 today’s requirements (Links to an external site.)

 differ, reflecting progress over the decades.  

Out of exclusion, a pageant is born

As previously stated, one of the requirements to participate in the Miss American contest prior to 1950 was belonging to the White race (requirement number 7).  Asian Americans wanted to participate in the national contest since many felt American by nationality (born in the US) but of course did not fit the part because of their race.  Instead of fighting for inclusion (which would then erase the White requirement), Asian Americans created their own race based beauty pageants out of exclusion.  One pageant that has a longstanding history in California is the Nisei Week contest.  The Nisei Week contest has a similar history as the 

National Miss America (Links to an external site.)

 contest with the goal of boosting the economy for the communities.  The Nisei Week contest had additional goals in mind.  The second generation (Nisei) Japanese Americans were rapidly assimilating into the American culture which they believed to be good for the community but adversely saw the weakening economy of the Nihonmachi (Japantown).  They urged the Issei (first generation) to think about “opening the doors” to the community, to utilize the bridge in the community (the Nisei) to usher in outside dollars, stabilizing and possibly growing the ethnic economy.  

Nisei Week: Japanese Festival

The 

first Nisei week (Links to an external site.)

 took place in Los Angeles California in 1934.  As earlier mentioned, one of the main goals was to bring greater income to Little Tokyo/Nihonmachi during the recovery time from the great depression.  Nihonmachi was and ethnic enclave (a place/neighborhood of a high concentration of a specific ethnic group)  created by the Issei (first generation/immigrant genera(first generation/immigrant generation) as a safe space to build community.  They did not care to assimilate rather they celebrated their Japanese culture and enjoyed the intimacy of their enclave.  The Nisei (second generation, first American born) on the other hand were more motivated to assimilate, in the hopes that socializing and become educated in the greater society would expedite acceptance into the American culture.  The also knew that the festival could be a great opportunity to create connection to the greater society and to their own culture which the Issei were afraid of losing.  Just as the Miss America pageants utilize women to “bring in the bucks” to Atlantic City, the Miss Nisei Week pageant was deployed with the same intention.  The addition of the Nisei Week Queen pageant enabled women who were excluded from “white” beauty pageants to have a space and a crown of her own.  Partnering the appeal of the pageant with the goals of Nisei week, votes by ballots were earned through purchasing merchandise in Japantown.  This helped to invite community members and non community members alike to spend their money on votes and essentially build the economy of Japantown.  

Bridging the Gap

The 

JACL (Links to an external site.)

 (Japanese American citizens’ league) played a major role in the development of Nisei Week.  These Nisei acted as a bridge between their parents and the greater society.  Having been educated and raised in the US, they were able to adapt many aspects of the mainstream society’s culture.  They were becoming more civically involved, even if they did not find full acceptance into mainstream society.  Though they differed greatly in their approach from their parents’ generation their intentions were the same, to save the declining Nihonmachi.  The first generation having faced first hand the ills of American discrimination had be accustomed to keeping their culture and community private.  The Nisei felt that the only way to gain acceptance into society was to open up the private community and Nisei Week would help to do just that.  

Nisei Week and the pageant enabled the community to display Japanese culture as well as American notions of citizenship.  In a passive manner, this act was part of a larger message which was that: 

“The Nisei is a new American. Racially of the Orient, he is true and loyal citizen of the United States, his native land. Young, ambitious, hopeful, though at times oppressed, he seeks to take his place in civic development and community progress.” John Maeno, chairman of the third Nisei Week.  

The “All American” Japanese

The pageant enabled outsiders a glimpse into a community that seemed so “foreign” while also encouraging the Nisei to celebrate and preserve their Japanese culture. This was a selling point for the Issei as they were worried about their children becoming “too” American.  Having the women display acts of culture helped to ease the Issei’s concerns about the festival as a whole.  Just as Miss America acted as a representation of American women, Miss Nisei Week would become more than just a “pretty face” but also a gentle introduction to Japanese America.  She became a conduit to the American mainstream culture by way of her: 

Presentation: Her dress, behavior, presentation of self was a symbol for acceptance into mainstream society.

Display of a “Good Girl’: Adopting and displaying hegemonic American cultural values such as innocence, sexual purity, honesty and caring.

Acting the part: Looked, spoke and carried herself as American, she would be seen as such by others.

These women dressed in Japanese traditional clothing, performed traditional Japanese dances all the while being very “American” in their mastery of the English language and American customs.  Their femininity was widely accepted and celebrated by both cultures, and worked to ease the fears of the “foreign Japanese” in the United States.  She was a kind, gentle display of Japanese culture and showed the ability to live in two “worlds” simultaneously.  This quelled the “foreign” identity  and gained support from outside communities.  This acceptance would be short lived due to the impending war and the pageant would evolve in the 1960s and 1970s as women in the US changed their presence in society.    

Changes in society, changes in the pageant

In the first few years, the Japanese American community celebrated their culture with open doors to the greater society, even if the latter were not terribly interested.  Having the space to practice and exhibit parts of their heritage was uplifting to the community, reassuring the Issei that ethnic solidarity was still intact.  The fear from the greater society had lessened until of course, the bombing of Pearl Harbor.  With the internment of the Japanese the festival came a halt and aspects of the festival would be altered to ensure a more seamless return to normality.  Post WWII the aim of the festival and community as a whole was to regain trust from the greater society and to yet again revitalize Nihonmachi’s economy.  In 1949 Nisei week started back up, and was symbolic as a return of joy and growth to the community.  

Empowered women

The Nisei Week pageant’s inception enabled women to be included in a pageant and celebrated for Japanese American standards of beauty.  She played a pivotal role in the community as a representation of the kind, gentle Japanese American woman.  The contest itself was created, judged and managed by men.  Just as WWII made an impact on the nation, community and festival, so would the swell of civil rights and women’s movements of the 1960’s.  The Nisei, and Sansei (third generation) were definitely in tune with national politics since the JACL’s aim was to become involved and civically responsible.  Many women were still interested in participating in the pageant but were unhappy with it’s antiquated measures of victory (buying votes, management by men), and wanted the crown to represent much more.  

More than a pretty face

Participants in the beauty pageants wanted to continue celebrating their beauty, culture and heritage but wanted their crown to represent a more progressive beautiful woman.  The wanted to: 

Remove the “skebe” (perverted) old men as judges

Remove the swimsuit portion of the competition

Put more focus on community and professional service

Of course with change comes conflict.  The organizers were not the only ones who resisted the change but it was also other participants who wanted the pageant to stay as is, to celebrate the beauty of a Japanese American woman.  The two sides argued about the role of the pageant and queen.  One side argued that she would be a positive reflection of the community and everything that a women of the time was capable of being.  Though the other side agreed, they argued that in shifting the focus away from beauty, the initial purpose of having a space where a Japanese American women could be crowned for her beauty would be lost.  Eventually those changes came.  Because of the national movements for women’s rights and empowerment changes felt natural.  Both the ethnic pageants as well as the Miss American pageant included portions to show a more well rounded woman.  Women would highlight their academic goals, community involvement and career goals while still practicing and displaying customary Japanese traditions in traditional and modern gowns. 

How Japanese must she be?

The Japanese were one of the largest of the first five Asian ethnic groups to migrate to the United States in the first wave but post World War II the numbers dwindled.  There was not a disparaging gender disparity as many Japanese in California came by way of Hawaii were women were encouraged to move.  The Issei were very insular not venturing far from the Nihonmachi.  The Nisei and Sansei however assimilated rapidly into the American society, climbing up the academic, social and political ladders.  Their involvement also meant a greater exposure and interaction with people other than Japanese Americans.  Out-marriage was not unheard of as the commonalities found in those social circles surpassed racial differences.  With population growth only achieved by reproduction, dating and marrying options for the Japanese (to Japanese) declined.  The growth of the multiracial community would become an issue of racial and ethnic “belonging” when attempting to be a Nisei Week Queen.  The racial measure of the Miss America beauty pageant pre-1950 stated that the contestant must be of the “white race”.  This is what spurred the Nisei Week pageant.  The Nisei week pageant now had to contend with Japanese American woman who were not 100% Japanese.  The addition of the Nationality qualification (specifying that the contestant has to be 50% Japanese) created yet another point of contention within the pageant.  Struggling to thrive these adjustments had to be made in order to accommodate the growing mixed raced women  who actively wanted to represent their community, even if they didn’t “look Japanese”.  Of course these changes were inevitable, along with the changes of the Miss America contest where Asian Americans were becoming more involved.  

Having this space of belonging was important as a Japanese American woman, especially with it’s inception from exclusion but times and qualifications have changed for the Miss America pageant.  Since the “white race” qualifier was out, would it be safe to say that and Asian American could and would be accepted as Miss America?  

Not American enough 

When we began this lecture we talked about the idea of whiteness and equating to citizenship.  The legal means and symbol of citizenship was discussed through the representation of Miss America.  Being part of the white race meant being a citizen, beautiful and worthy of the title.  Without that exclusion Nisei Week’s beauty pageant (along with other ethnic beauty pageants) many have not come into fruition.  Of course we are in the dawn of a new day, right? We’ve moved passed the idea that only white is beautiful and a true representation of America, right? 

After 1950, “the white race” was no longer a requisite to compete in the Miss America pageant.  Though the qualification was obsolete, it took over thirty years and some controversy to crown the first black Miss. America.  (Like the Nisei Week pageant, the Miss Black America contest was born out of exclusion and forty years later, still continues today).  Through the 1960’s and 1970’s inclusion of women of color was not an important issue for the pageant to tackle, seeing as there were more protests than races to compete.  The 1980’s saw a shift in national conversations of race, ethnicity gender and inclusion, which slowly increased the numbers of women of color in the national pageant.  

Finally in 1984, the first African American Miss America was crowned.  Vanessa Williams showed other women of color that it was a true possibility to become Miss America but again not without controversy.  She faced backlash about her skin tone, eye color, hair texture and finally lost her crown due to nude photographs surfacing.  Since her crowning there have been seven African American women crowned as Miss America.  In 2001 the first Asian American, Filipina from Hawaii was crowned, and that was Angela Perez Baraquio.  She was of a time that was pre-internet, pre-9/11 and pre-Obama presidency.  The 2014 crowned Miss America was not so lucky.  

When Nina Davuluri, the first Indian American woman was crowned in 2014 the Asian American/South Asian American community rejoiced.  The standard of American beauty was definitely different than fifty years prior and it was a true celebration to be crowning and Asian American Miss America.  Her excitement and joy was overshadowed by the mass audiences’ ability to voice their opinions from behind a computer screen.  It was not even fresh wounds from September 11 but it was a fervor of politics, with some Americans unhappy with two persons of color representing the nation: a black president and an Indian American Miss America.  Twitter, apparently a space to air your grievances was flooded with hateful language after the crowning of Nina.  

In a nation that should be celebrating inclusion, divisiveness always is a tool to discourage the country moving forward in a more positive and progressive manner.  Thankfully, despite all of the ignorant remarks made online, Nina held her head high and continued to show her pose, contributing to more positive conversations around race in America.  Her presence sent a message that a South Asian American woman could represent the nation, building on the platform to move forward her goals and hopefully open up more doors for other South Asian/Asian American women.  The importance of inclusion within this space is the validation of Asian American’s national citizenry.  Not only celebrating the beauty and accolades of a woman but that this “non-traditionally” looking Miss America can represent the nation and all of the good that it stands for.  

*In an interesting new development, the Miss USA contest (that differs from Miss America) just crowned their 

Miss US of America Miss Minnesota. (Links to an external site.)

  She is Hmong American!  The Hmong population is pretty large in Minnesota but her presence on the national scene will really bring their community to light.  Just something I found to be interesting considering this week’s topic. 

Beauty as a standard 

Last week we looked at the idea of masculinity and the performance of it through import car racing. We examined images of masculinity and Asian American men, making comparisons to what expectations may be and how there might be a disconnect between the two.  This week we will look into the standards of beauty for women (again through the heteronormative lens) and the extreme measures women take to achieve them.  We will also discuss the cultural normalization of cosmetic surgeries through the surge of popularity and accessibility.  We will cover the cosmetic surgery industry in the US, American/Western beauty standards and the impact that it has made on Asia and Asian America.  There will be discussion of the differences in surgeries sought out by women (both American and Asian American), the motivations and the shift in cultural acceptance of cosmetic surgeries.  Below is a Ted Talk video by model Cameron Russell that will help introduce subtopics we will be covering this week. 

While viewing the video take note on what she says about: 

· The crafting of beauty by media

· The impact on young women

· The privileges she carries by her appearance

· The correlation between image and perceived success and failures

When we are discussing “standards of beauty” note that we are initially focusing on Western standards as the measure of beauty.  Standards of beauty have changed overtime in the United States and world wide.  Societies give value to these standards shaping the way beauty is qualified.  Interestingly enough the shifts in these standards can sometimes be drastic with one decade appreciating a woman’s full figured body and the next celebrating a more thin and pre-pubescent body type.  The science of people (Links to an external site.) broke down the video created by Buzzfeed below that shows the different body types through history.  View the video and read the article to see how the standards shifted but also how women would adapt to achieve these standards of beauty. 

If you note in the article, in today’s time plastic surgery is increasingly sought out as “remedies” to women’s bodies in hopes of achieving the “Post Modern” standard of beauty.  We will discuss the correlation with media’s impact on beauty and the increase in access to different types of plastic surgeries both in the United States and Asia.  

The young stay young

As we have seen in prior weeks media has a great deal of power in shaping images of self and beauty.  What people see in the movies, television, magazines and the internet can lead women to seek out various measures to achieve these standards.  Even though it’s well known that make up and post production (Photoshop and filters) enhances the image, these images still make grave impacts on societal norms of beauty.  While the computer uses tricks to cinch waists, enhance breasts and softening/brighten skin, women begin to look into means outside of beauty products to achieve those same results.  In the past, the idea of cosmetic surgery was seen as taboo, only for the rich and was plagued with “worst case scenarios” stories.  Only the extreme cases of drastic bodily changes were highlighted often frightening those who would consider it.  As many cultural changes occur, modifications from extreme help to lighten the fear of the unknown and make it more tangible with greater exposure and access.  

In the past, society only knew of the term plastic surgery  (intended to correct dysfunctional areas of the body) and used the term interchangeably with cosmetic surgery procedures.  Most often it was used to describe “makeovers” that celebrities would undergo and focused on the most extreme changes.  Since it was seen as something for the affluent it was not something that was readily accessible to the average American.  The naming, access points and cost all helped to grow the field of cosemetic surgery and the “toned down” nature of it’s results.  The idea that cosmetic surgery offers an “enhancement” or “reshaping” parts of the body is much more appealing than words like “reconstructive” or “corrective”.  In today’s American society (and Asian societies as well) the taboo has left and has gained a bit more cultural acceptance.  The media has helped to lessen the fear and shame by normalizing cosmetic surgeries as just a means to an end.  What has also helped to spark this change is the number of non-invasive procedures that have been performed and sought out.  These types of “touch ups” are intended not to make a drastic change but to preserve youth (avoiding wrinkles with Botox injections) thus making it feel much more like maintenance than change.  Of course with a growing demand comes a growth in supply.  Competition helps to lower costs, thus making it more accessible to a wider customer base. 

Minimally invasive versus surgical procedure

The term cosmetic surgery was definitely a more positive move towards societal acceptance to be used as a beauty enhancer.  Enhancing beauty sounds much better than reconstruction but what is even more gentle is the idea of minimally invasive procedures.  These types of procedures are marketed as maintenance that are used to battled the “dreaded” aging process.  Both minimally invasive and surgical procedures are considered cosmetic but the minimally invasive procedures grew at a slightly higher rate than surgical procedures in 2017. While three of the top-two surgical procedures focused on the body, the top minimally invasive procedures focused on the face.  Below are numbers from a 2018 study done by the American society of plastic surgeons.  Can you see the difference in the numbers between cosmetic surgical procedures and minimally invasive procedures? 

Of the nearly 1.8 million cosmetic surgical procedures performed in the US in 2017, the top 5 were:

· Breast augmentation (300,378 procedures, up 3 percent from 2016)

· Liposuction (246,354 procedures, up 5 percent from 2016)

· Nose reshaping (218,924 procedures, down 2 percent from 2016)

· Eyelid surgery (209,571 procedures, approximately the same as 2016)

· Tummy tuck (129,753 procedures, up 2 percent from 2016)

Among the 15.7 million cosmetic minimally invasive procedures performed in the US in 2017, the top 5 were:

· Botulinum Toxin Type A (7.23 million procedures, up 2 percent from 2016)

· Soft Tissue Fillers (2.69 million procedures, up 3 percent from 2016)

· Chemical Peel (1.37 million procedures, up 1 percent since 2016)

· Laser hair removal (1.1 million procedures, down 2 percent from 2016)

· Microdermabrasion (740,287 procedures, down 4 percent from 2016)

Clearly minimally invasive procedures have surpassed surgical procedures by the millions due to what was previously stated: access, affordability and normalization.  Some of the surgical procedures are actually the most common ones amongst Asian Americans (nose reshaping and eyelid surgery) but have been on the decline.   Could it be that they are less interested in them or are they getting these procedures elsewhere?

Who does what? 

Minimally invasive cosmetic surgeries are not only on the rise but also have seen an uptick in a specific age group.  As we saw in the discussion and lecture of masculinity, the idea of beauty lives in a younger age group.   If the standard of beauty is in young adulthood then the push is no longer to try to recreate the early 20’s skin but to preserve it while living in your 20’s.  Between 2011 and 2015 there was a 41% increase of Botox procedures performed on women 19-35.  This affirms the push of retaining the youthful look while still being young.  The benefits found by these procedures outweigh the pain and costs, especially since they are drastically less than more invasive cosmetic surgeries.  And though it may seem to be much more affordable than the surgical procedures the “maintenance” means there is an expectation to return frequently to retain their youthful look which would add up.  

Race

In 1990, 20% of cosmetic surgery patients were Latinos and Asian Americans.  From 2005-2013 the American Society of Plastic Surgeons estimated the number of cosmetic performed on: 

· Asian Americans increased by 125%

· Latinos 85%

· African Americans 56% 

· Caucasians 35%

Asian Americans numbers increased at the highest rate, and the types of surgeries they seek out are always part of the top 5.  Take a look at the top 5 surgeries in 2017 (Links to an external site.) listed above and compare it to the graph broken down by ethnicities (Links to an external site.) (blepharoplasty is eyelid surgery).  These types of surgeries within the face are seen as ones that target “problem areas” that Asian faces carry (in some cases verbalized as “corrective” surgery).  The monolid (one eyelid) and lack of bridge in the nose in Asian faces explains why those types of surgeries are sought out by Asian Americans.  These characteristics are typically Asian and yet are seen as unflattering “flaws” by Western standards.  Looking at the “flaws” that need to be “fixed” Asian women seek out these surgeries to achieve more Western characteristics, thus “correcting nature’s wrongs”.  

 Motivations and Medicalization

Asians and Asian Americans have similar motivations to want cosmetic surgery as anyone else, but there are some added motivations that are particularly held within the community.  Besides attempting to achieve a standard of beauty, some internalize the notion that Asian characteristics as “flawed” and seek out to fix the impairments.  In the ethnographic study (Links to an external site.) by Kaw women are interviewed and describe their motivations for cosmetic surgeries (read over this study from the early 1990’s as it will be central to the discussion for this week).  You can see that the motivations listed below all have to do with how these women view their features (“flawed”) in comparison to the the Western/Dominant culture (“ideal”): 

1. Corrective surgery: When Asian characteristics (born with) are described as flaws, it becomes more of a need to “correct” the issue rather than enhance a part of the body or face. 

2. Western standards of beauty: Though many women who seek out cosmetic surgeries are adhering to standards of beauty, the Asian and Asian American women are seeking out standards that directly come from a culture outside of their own. 

3. Negative feelings: When the dominant culture’s perspective of their racial identity as seen as the pinnacle of positive (and in this case the standard of beauty), the Asian/Asian American only views theirs as negative.  

Characteristics and abnormality 

The two surgeries that are most common for Asian Americans are the rhinoplasty (nose) and blepharoplasty (eyelid).  Both are distinguishable Asian facial features and are targets of “correction”.  The monolid (common characteristic on Asian faces) has been described as sleepy or dull looking as opposed to the double eyelid as more awake and vibrant.  These adjectives are not used to describe any other racial or ethnic groups’ features (of eyes specifically), and becomes common practice, even in medical journals.  A quote from a Dr. Smith from this week’s reading explains the impact Western culture on Asian societies’ views of beauty, “The social reasons [for Asian Americans to want double eyelids and nose bridges] are undoubtedly due to the continued exposure to Western culture and the realization that the upper eyelid without a fold tends to give a sleepy appearance, and therefore a more dull look to the patient.”   

Physical features have also become correlated to personality or character traits.  The lack of nasal bridge (another common Asian facial feature) is a signal of something greater than just a lack of cartilage.  It signifies (as stated by Dr. Smith) as “weakness in one’s personality and by lack of extension, a lack of force in one’s character”.  Both parts of the face help to shape the identity physically and apparently define one’s character (dull, sleepy and lack of force).  What’s even more interesting is that in public medical journals and texts the Asian characteristics are viewed in conflict with Western characteristics. So much so that they are referred to as “abnormal”.  

Claiming Western features as the standard of normality creates an enormous impact on the Asian American patient being served.  The doctors freely incorporate abnormality and the association of Asian features with negative characteristics into medical discourse.  Repetition of the term “abnormal” in a consultation helps to reassure the patient that their features can be “normalized” by adhering to the desired beauty standard of choice.  This of course is not just to help the patient feel better about herself, it also helps the industry gain profit.  Of course this industry is for profit and like any group of associated people there are ones who we would view as “good” and others who we might view as “bad”.  Though many women who seek out do not have body dysmorphia (Links to an external site.), those who do have the mental disorder have a harder time saying no to the knife repeatedly, especially under the encouragement of doctors who prey on them.  

Profit and normalization  

Any patient who enters a doctor’s office offers up a sense of trust in that medical professional.  These professionals know how to handle patients’ fears, anxieties and can ease their concerns through consultations.  In some circumstances these surgeons play up the patient’s concerns in order to build profit, encouraging additional “work” to correct “flaws” that the patient had not even mentioned.  It is a dangerous situation for those who suffer from the body dysmorphia and even for those who do not but want to do their best to look their best.  

Any patient goes through the process of a consultation where they discuss the goals of their surgical procedures. Many patients confidently know what the want and a good sense of how the doctor will achieve it.  Others might hand over the control to the knowledgeable professional and often times get roped into more than what they asked for.  Some patients complained that doctors prey on the women’s insecurities and armed with the trusty white coat easily affirm the “need” for surgery through three easy steps: 

1.  Study the face 

2. Tell them what is wrong with negative terms (weak, dull, sleepy, lacking)

3. Mark up the face

4. Explain how the improvements can only be made surgically

5. Profit! 

A new report from the American Society of Plastic Surgeons (Links to an external site.)  (Links to an external site.)(ASPS) reveals that Americans spent more than $16.5 billion on cosmetic plastic surgery and minimally-invasive procedures in 2018.  These surgeries are often layered so the numbers are high not just because each patient is getting one treatment or part of their face/body done.  As Alan Matarasso, MD, president of the American Society of Plastic Surgeons affirms:  “For example, a facelift procedure is often complemented with injections of soft-tissue fillers. When these procedures are combined it not only provides optimal results, but it can be more economical for patients.” This is an astounding number but nothing in comparison to the rates, accessibility and cultural acceptance of cosmetic surgery in South Korea. 

A society’s acceptance

South Korea’s rise in cosmetic surgery paralleled the transnational success of Korean Popular Culture as a whole.  The Hallyu wave (will be discussed in depth later on in the semester) of Korean popular culture outside of Korea launched a worldwide obsession with all things Korean.  From the early 2000’s until today Korean culture traveled over to other Asian nations and even Western countries and created an obsession one television drama, movie and song at a time.  These actors and singers were the epitome of beauty (for example Black Pink, kpop group as photographed above) and  popular music singers became synonymous with a new South Korean standard of beauty. 

Though the features sought out are seen as Eastern standards of beauty today, they were gained by continued exposure to Western cultures and adapted to Korean standards of beauty today.  The video below highlights how Western culture influences open Asian countries in beauty standards, impacting the society as a whole.  The article by the Huffington Post UK (Links to an external site.) explains how post division of Korea into two countries impacted beauty standards.  South Korea followed(s) many American trends while the North Korea remained insular and less affected by external beauty trends.  

What the video highlights are the popular culture trends of the West that were followed by South Korea.  Even today the goals of the Asian face are to achieve the double eyelids (for a wider eye), bridged nose and slimmer nostrils and a slimmer jawline.  There are several Asian aesthetics that differ though with the longing for whiter, lighter skin (as many nations and races do due to colonization) and the more petite less pronounced mouth/lips.  So instead of having lip injections and tanning salons, the women focus on lightening creams and do not bother with lip enhancements. 

Accessibility and exposure

As the Business Insider article (Links to an external site.) highlights, South Korea has surpassed the US in the rates of surgeries per person (20 per 1,000 people versus 13 per 1,000 in the US).  The economics of the surgeries has enabled hundreds of clinics to flourish and bred healthy competition, encouraging prices to drop over the past 15 years.  The combination of exposure to popular cultural icons with “perfect faces”, ads on billboards in many public spaces (as shown below) and a greater accessibility (physically and financially) has helped to garner a widespread cultural acceptance of cosmetic surgery. 

This acceptability is echoed by the idea that beauty could be the entrance (or lack thereof) or barrier to social and professional opportunities.  Often resumes are accompanied by photos and for some families, giving their child the gift of cosmetic surgery post graduation is the gift of social advantage (as discussed in the video clip from the JK medical group below).  As the reporter in the New Yorker (Links to an external site.) found out, the discussion of fixing the flawed features inherited by the parent with the child is seamless and surgeries become less foreign when their peers are also going under the knife.  

Whether these young women (both Asian and Asian American) feel that they are adhering to Western standards of beauty, one thing is for certain, their exposure to media and popular culture have grave impacts on their decisions to seek out cosmetic surgeries.  The internet, movies, and television shows have always shaped the image of what beauty is, as we have seen through the decades in the United States and the influence globally.  The increased access and exposure to cosmetic surgery has created a culture of acceptance as these are means to ends of hopeful success in societies.  What is important to note is how long lasting the changes of faces and bodies have in societies that shift what is popular in culture in an instant.  We will continue to discuss the impact of images as we move onto the next following weeks with the ways in which gender is represented and presented in the Asian American community.  

Be a Man!

This week we will be continuing our discussion of binary gender popular culture phenomena.  The topic we will be covering is the import car culture.  The history of Asian American men engaging in this act mirrors the young American men of the 1950’s and 1960’s.  What defines car ownership, “muscle” and a community built around the import car culture are all centered around the notions of masculinity.  We will cover what it means to exude masculinity, hypermasculinity, the roots of car culture in America, and the reclamation of manhood by Asian Americans.  

As we saw in the pageant lecture, the culture of Asian American beauty pageants mimicked the American beauty pageants.  Celebrating femininity and beauty were the hallmarks of the pageants, helping to build economy in their communities.  The Asian American popular culture trend of import cars will also mirror American car culture with the rise in economy, the thrill of freedom (and speed) and the representation of masculinity.  In this week’s discussion we will be utilizing the terms heteronormativity, hegemony, culture and subcultures to frame and understand the development transformation of the feminine to masculine Asian American man. 

The chart below breaks down heternormativity and the binary (only two) ways that social identities present themselves. 

As a part of a heteronormative (relating to behavior consistent with traditional male or female gender roles) society, Asian American men were framed as feminine from an early stage to ensure their lack of sexual threat towards white women in society.  As previously discussed in our media and film lecture, the Chinese laundry man was seen as effeminate, operating businesses regarded as “women’s work”.  The images of Chinese men back in the late 1800’s (an example of an ad below) were like many anti-immigrant images of the time.  Featuring menacing faces with exaggerated features and a single braid (the queue or braid was a social and political tie back to China’s Qing dynasty) that to the American public signified femininity. 

  Nearly a hundred years later Asian American men still made no gains in mainstream media as sexually attractive.  In the 1980’s American film and society scripted yet another asexual image of Asian Americans.  Whether it be the 1980’s Model Minority Whiz Kids in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Math) or the Asian foreign exchange student (Links to an external site.) as comic relief, Asian men were making no headway in the departments of wooing women into their lives. Their white counterparts were the epitome of beauty and masculinity but their whiteness did not define masculinity.  Other men of color (African American and Chicano/Latinos) were viewed as masculine and even hypermasculine, exuding magnified male stereotypical behavior, such as an emphasis on physical strength, aggression, and sexuality. 

What does it mean then when Asian Americans look to adapt parts of masculine traits from other cultures who exude hypermasculinity?  Would it be seen cultural appropriation, taking parts of a culture without showing the understanding and respect for it’s roots?  How can Asian American men be seen as masculine if the roots of Asian men in America have not ties to the definition of masculinity?  And at what cost is achieving success in embodying masculinity (what happens to women in the import car culture)?  In the next tab we will figure out how culture, counter culture, sub culture and the diffusion of culture exist in a society and adapt those terms to the ways Asian American men become contributors to the import car culture.  

Appropriately owned 

View the ten minute Crash Course video below to gain a better understanding of the terms:

· culture

· subculture

· counterculture

Also think about the differences between cultural diffusion as a means of transferring culture and cultural appropriation as an adaptation of cultural traits without permission or knowledge of it’s roots.  

Cultural appropriation is something that has been seen in American popular culture for many years.  Marginalized communities have been ostracized for cultural attributes (“foreign” styles of dress, hair, religion and language) and historically have been forced to shed them to assimilate.  But when those in the dominant society grant these cultural customs, practices or traits as beautiful or find some spiritual connection then these attributes are seen as acceptable.  The power that the dominant society has to take ownership of culture while disregarding the importance or significance of it’s roots is problematic.  As the photo collage highlights below, mainstream popular culture takes no issue with cultural appropriation.  It’s commonly excused as a show of appreciation by the mainstream culture of marginalized cultures such as Asian, African American and Native American but at what cost?  Is it a truly “cultural appreciation” of the culture and ancestral roots or just a trend that was spurred and spread through popular culture?  The images below show attributes of hair, dress and makeup that have ancestral roots (religion, dress) or acts of counter culture (hip hop) that carry a great weight of importance by said culture.  

These acts of appropriation are seen as offensive mainly because of who the perpetrator is (mainstream hegemonic popular culture) and whose culture is being exploited.  The argument is in who is exercising the adaptation of the culture, which is usually the dominant culture taking from the marginalized.  Even to utilize the term “dominant” echos the power dynamics that is in play with the use of culture in an exploitative manner.  The power dynamic is critical to understanding the harm in this practice, since it’s usually at the cost of marginalized communities.  In the case that we cover this week (and we will see in the future) what happens when one marginalized community takes aspects of another marginalized community to form something of their own?  Would it still be deemed as appropriation?  

As stated above and with lectures prior, Asian American men hold no masculine traits (except of course brother Bruce).  So when Asian American men adapt symbols of masculinity (thrill of danger, strength and confidence) is it seen as appropriation or can we argue that the performance of masculinity through car racing an act of hybrid culture-a mixture of cultures in the creation of a new?  By looking at the roots of the American car culture and subcultures created by the Latino and African American communities we can then better understand the relationship to the Asian American import car culture.  

An All American Symbol

Man drives, explores, rebels! 

Post WWII American car ownership meant more than just a mode of transportation.  It was a direct symbol of patriotism, pouring American money into a nation that needed to recover from the losses of war.  Purchasing power helped to support a nationalistic drive to build and by things that were “All American”.  Manliness was show through economics as suburbanization, home ownership and the traditional family home began to flourish.  As a traditional family, the man (head of the household) would commute to the city (from the newly designed desirable suburbs) to earn the family’s income in his American car.  What developed out of this push for car ownership were the businesses in the car industry that supported the local and national economy.  There was nothing more American than buying an American car to drive to work, across country for vacations or to just cruise with your main squeeze on a Friday night.      

All parts of the American car industry fueled the economy, employing entire cities and states and build a sense of community as part of the American fabric.  Businesses including: 

· Body shops

· Carwashes

· Tire shops

· Parts shops

· Repair shops

· Sales lots

· Production and manufacturing 

The community and pride that was build in the car industry was strong for several decades and the Americana feel was reinforced through television ads.  The clip below is of a 1952 Chevrolet commercial with actress and singer Dinah Shore singing their famous jingle.  The ad extends the notion that the American car also acted as a symbol for freedom and a manifested destiny to explore the United States.  Pay attention to the lyrics and the lifestyle that is presented through ownership of the American car, the Chevrolet.  

Part of car culture was also the “rite of passage” of earning a driver’s license at the age of 16.  Being young and free with friends built a teen car culture that has lasted for decades (though it has been on the decline for the past few).  Beyond the leisurely cruise down the strip was the car races as depicted in mainstream media that amplified heteronormative gender expressions of masculinity.  Speed, danger, ego and the victorious racer were now on the big screen as prime examples of manhood.  The film Grease has a race scene that shows the clean cut protagonist go up against antagonist and takes their gritty expression of manhood to the extreme.  While viewing the clip pay attention to the expressions of masculinity and femininity (and if you wanted to dig deeper the representation of color as protagonist and antagonist).  

  The problem with these images of the early days in car culture is that the opportunity to view oneself as part of suburbia or teens racing down a dried out river was obsolete.  As we have previously discussed, Asian Americans were not going to see themselves on the big screen (in any positive light for many years) pre-1965 and could not fathom being part of this culture, let alone expressing masculinity.  What happens post 1965 changes everything through population growth, exposure to other communities of culture and the accessibility to disposable income.  The import car culture that sprouted in the 1990’s made it to the big screen in the 2000’s (though problematic in representation) would not have come into fruition without several major economic downturns and gains in the 1980s. 

The Impact of Imports 

Imported persons and cars 

The 1965 immigration act (which will be discussed in detail in future lectures) opened up the door to the Eastern hemisphere, which was previously closed since 1924.  A nation that was hoping to advance technologically, medically and scientifically actively recruited professions from Asia to fill labor shortages in the United States. Asians took full advantage of American recruitment efforts of professional work visas through the 1965 immigration act.  They migrated, moved up the socioeconomic ladder, settled and repopulated.  They embodied the American Dream and the spirit of the 1950’s, home ownership, car ownership and suburbia.  They formed an American identity that differed from earlier Asian Americans as physical laborers with limited English skill and education.  They were able to live provide comfortable lifestyles for their families, including their American born children.  

As this middle class suburban Asian American community was on the rise, there was the decline of the American car industry.  In the 1980’s the United States was facing an oil embargo, a recession, high national unemployment rates and a depressed Midwest where American car manufacturing was king.  Unfortunate for the industry but an advantage for consumers, imported cars from Asia began to rise.  The more fuel efficient affordable cars not only entered into American driveways but Asian American driveways that often could afford more than one car per household.  The children of these professionals had access to their own cars, a privilege that not every Asian American had.  The dispensable income, the freedom that the car brought helped to created a community for these young people, especially when it came to the enhancement of the cars. 

Race and class 

Though the young Asian Americans began to build a community based on race, there was also the barrier of class.  In the import car scene it was not enough to just own a car.  What differentiated this community from other car scenes was the modifications of the cars.  In order to modify their cars to their liking they had to have the money to do so.  This means that although this creates a space of inclusion, it inadvertently also excluded those who could not afford to participate.  This meant that the family had to either afford the car for the child or the child would have their own money, earned through working.  Either avenue to car ownership granted access or created a barrier to the car culture.

Early car enthusiasts enjoyed the community found through the import car culture.  It also was a space that presented masculine Asian American men, a break from the unattractive nerds of the 1980’s.  Part of this was through the adaptation of hip hop culture in dress, music and vernacular.  The representatives of hip hop were seen as hypermasculine, often in a negative light but used as model for the Asian American male to embody masculine traits.  Hip hop culture has roots in African American and Latino communities that sprouted out of rebellion, a counterculture that has evolved over the years.  What connected the communities of early 1970’s and 1980’s hip hop culture was the class struggle that was rampant in their communities.  This differed from the Asian American experience (where the class connection lacked) which would then call into question the authenticity of Asian Americans adaptation of hip hop culture (we will examine this further in our future Hip Hop lecture).

Car culture in the African American and Latino communities were similar in terms of a communal space for young people and an expression of their cultures.  In the 1970’s young people in Los Angeles California took American cars and modified them, lowering the car and focused on moving low and slow so onlookers get a good view of their car.  The low rider culture found mainstream appeal with exposure by West Coast rap artists (particularly ganster rap) featuring the cars in their videos as part of the hip hop lifestyle.  Hybridizing these subcultures felt natural since they came out of similar communities, struggles and socioeconomic classes.  In this case class was the connector and racial differences did not matter.  

Rappers used low riders, rapped about gangster life and presented a tough exterior.  Aspects of this  hypermasculine culture were adapted by Asian Americans despite their lack of ability to relate to their struggles.  Mimicking other subcultures who were exuding characteristics of hypermasculinity helped to erode the geeky image that plagued some of these youths who could not identify with the stereotype.  This would break the prior image of the Asian American male and grant them more social capital amongst other communities of color and of course, their female counterparts.  

Asian American import cars were seen as a a hybrid culture of sorts, blending parts of Asian identity (imported Asian cars), hip hop culture (dress, music, vernacular), racing (early American teen car culture) and modification of cars (low rider culture).  It has evolved today into a bit of a difference scene, less “gangster” and more about aesthetics.  The import car scene also gained acceptance into the mainstream with a series of films, conventions and magazines.  Though participants in this culture do not actively gesticulate masculinity the inception of the culture was a period that shifted the perception of the Asian American man.  

The use of Spoken Word as a form of self-expression and representation is a follow up response to the lack of or misrepresentation discussed last week.  A big proponent of self-representation in every manner was W.E.B. DuBois.  William Edward Burghardt Du Bois (1868-1963) was one of the founders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). DuBois offers a theoretical framework we can use to understand the ways Asian Americans are viewed by others and by themselves, especially within the influences of mass media.  In the book Asian America Through the Lens, History, Representations and Identity, the author Xing leans on one of DuBois’ theories when examining the experiences of Asians in American film. 

DuBois encouraged African Americans to develop something called the “Authentic Black Theater”, in response to the images of Black America by non-African Americans.  His life spanned post slavery and pre-civil rights movement and was influenced by what he was witnessing within his community.  He charged the community to think about what was being delivered, who was creating the content and who the content was being created for.  It was also impossible for African Americans to have access to theaters (local community theaters, seating segregation, etc.), so DuBois also wanted it to be accessible, local to the community members.  This authentic Black theater would be described in four points: “for us, by us, near us, and about us”.  Four points that we can use as a lens when examining the Asian American experience in popular culture.  (Think about any of the successful films in recent times and if it fits the four points).  

Double Consciousness / Dual Identity

What DuBois was saying was not new for anyone at the time, nor is it a new concept today.  What WAS new and what made him well known was his double consciousness theory.  Below is an excerpt from his book “The Souls of Black Folk” as well as a spoken word performance to better illustrate what it might mean to live in these two “spaces.”  This idea of a dual identity is shared by many communities of color, and parallels can be made within identity formation, especially as children of immigrants.  With these two theories, we can better understand the use and draw for Asian Americans to the spoken word movement.  

Chapter One of The Souls Of Black Folk: “Of Spiritual Striving”
It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his twoness,–an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.

The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife,–this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost. He would not Africanize America, for America has too much to teach the world and Africa. He would not bleach his Negro soul in a flood of white Americanism, for he knows that Negro blood has a message for the world. He simply wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a Negro and an American, without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows, without having the doors of Opportunity closed roughly in his face.

Below Nicole Masangkay and Erika Bleyl from the University of Washington, Seattle perform a spoken word piece and describe in their own words the double consciousness faced as Asian Americans.  

Things to think about when viewing this and other spoken word artists:

Performance style: tone, vernacular, body language, emotions

The pacing: emphasis on different words to evoke emotion and response

The words: how important are the words that they are conveying to capture and keep the audience’s attention