Watch this and read the article and do this assignment accordingly 

https://www.upworthy.com/one-easy-thing-all-white-people-could-do-that-would-make-the-world-a-better-place-5

White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack

By Peggy McIntosh

“I was taught to see racism only in individual acts of meanness, not in invisible systems

conferring dominance on my group.”

Through work to bring my materials from women’s studies into the rest of their
curriculum, I have often noticed men’s unwillingness to grant they are over privileged,
even though they may grant that women are disadvantaged. They may say they will work
to women’s statues, in the society, the university, or the curriculum, but they can’t or
won’t support the idea of lessening men’s. Denials amount to taboos surround the subject
if advantages that men gain from women’s disadvantages. These denials protect male’s
privileges from being fully acknowledged, lessened, or ended.

Thinking about unacknowledged male privilege as a phenomenon, I realized that, since
hierarchies in our society are interlocking, there was most likely a phenomenon of white
privilege that was similarly denied and protected. As a white person, I realized I had been
taught about racism as something that puts others at a disadvantage, but had been taught
not to see one of its corollary aspects, white privilege, which puts me at an advantage.

I think whites are carefully taught not to recognize white privilege, as males are taught
not to recognize male privilege. So I have begun in an untutored way to ask what it is like
to have white privilege. I have come to see white privilege as an invisible package of
unearned assets that I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was “meant” to
remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible, weightless knapsack of special
provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools, and blank checks.

Describing white privilege makes one newly accountable. As we in women’s studies
work to reveal male privilege and ask men to give up some of their power, so one who
writes about having white privilege must ask, “having described it, what will I do to
lessen or end it?”

After I realized the extent to which men work from a base of unacknowledged privilege, I
understood that much of their oppressiveness was unconscious. Then I remembered the
frequent charges from women of color that white women whom they encounter are
oppressive. I began to understand why we are just seen as oppressive, even when we
don’t see ourselves that way. I began to count the ways in which I enjoy unearned skin
privilege and have been conditioned into oblivion about its existence.

My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an oppressor, as an unfairly
advantaged person, or as a participant in a damaged culture. I was taught to see myself as
an individual whose moral state depended on her individual moral will. My schooling
followed the pattern my colleague Elizabeth Minnich has pointed out: whites are taught
to think of their lives as morally neutral, normative, and average, and also ideal, so that

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when we work to benefit others, this is seen as work that will allow “them” to be more
like “us.”

Daily effects of white privilege

I decided to try to work on myself at least by identifying some of the daily effects of
white privilege in my life. I have chosen those conditions that I think in my case attach
somewhat more to skin-color privilege than to class, religion, ethnic status, or geographic
location, though of course all these other factors are intricately intertwined. As far as I
can tell, my African American coworkers, friends, and acquaintances with whom I come
into daily or frequent contact in this particular time, place, and time of work cannot count
on most of these conditions.

1. I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time.

2. I can avoid spending time with people whom I was trained to mistrust and who have
learned to mistrust my kind or me.

3. If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing housing in an
area which I can afford and in which I would want to live.

4. I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to
me.

5. I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured that I will not be
followed or harassed.

6. I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my
race widely represented.

7. When I am told about our national heritage or about “civilization,” I am shown that
people of my color made it what it is.

8. I can be sure that my children will be given curricular materials that testify to the
existence of their race.

9. If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this piece on white privilege.

10. I can be pretty sure of having my voice heard in a group in which I am the only
member of my race.

11. I can be casual about whether or not to listen to another person’s voice in a group in
which s/he is the only member of his/her race.

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12. I can go into a music shop and count on finding the music of my race represented,
into a supermarket and find the staple foods which fit with my cultural traditions, into a
hairdresser’s shop and find someone who can cut my hair.

13. Whether I use checks, credit cards or cash, I can count on my skin color not to work
against the appearance of financial reliability.

14. I can arrange to protect my children most of the time from people who might not like
them.

15. I do not have to educate my children to be aware of systemic racism for their own
daily physical protection.

16. I can be pretty sure that my children’s teachers and employers will tolerate them if
they fit school and workplace norms; my chief worries about them do not concern others’
attitudes toward their race.

17. I can talk with my mouth full and not have people put this down to my color.

18. I can swear, or dress in second hand clothes, or not answer letters, without having
people attribute these choices to the bad morals, the poverty or the illiteracy of my race.

19. I can speak in public to a powerful male group without putting my race on trial.

20. I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit to my race.

21. I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group.

22. I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of persons of color who constitute
the world’s majority without feeling in my culture any penalty for such oblivion.

23. I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its policies and
behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider.

24. I can be pretty sure that if I ask to talk to the “person in charge”, I will be facing a
person of my race.

25. If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I can be sure I haven’t
been singled out because of my race.

26. I can easily buy posters, post-cards, picture books, greeting cards, dolls, toys and
children’s magazines featuring people of my race.

27. I can go home from most meetings of organizations I belong to feeling somewhat tied
in, rather than isolated, out-of-place, outnumbered, unheard, held at a distance or feared.

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28. I can be pretty sure that an argument with a colleague of another race is more likely to
jeopardize her/his chances for advancement than to jeopardize mine.

29. I can be pretty sure that if I argue for the promotion of a person of another race, or a
program centering on race, this is not likely to cost me heavily within my present setting,
even if my colleagues disagree with me.

30. If I declare there is a racial issue at hand, or there isn’t a racial issue at hand, my race
will lend me more credibility for either position than a person of color will have.

31. I can choose to ignore developments in minority writing and minority activist
programs, or disparage them, or learn from them, but in any case, I can find ways to be
more or less protected from negative consequences of any of these choices.

32. My culture gives me little fear about ignoring the perspectives and powers of people
of other races.

33. I am not made acutely aware that my shape, bearing or body odor will be taken as a
reflection on my race.

34. I can worry about racism without being seen as self-interested or self-seeking.

35. I can take a job with an affirmative action employer without having my co-workers
on the job suspect that I got it because of my race.

36. If my day, week or year is going badly, I need not ask of each negative episode or
situation whether it had racial overtones.

37. I can be pretty sure of finding people who would be willing to talk with me and
advise me about my next steps, professionally.

38. I can think over many options, social, political, imaginative or professional, without
asking whether a person of my race would be accepted or allowed to do what I want to
do.

39. I can be late to a meeting without having the lateness reflect on my race.

40. I can choose public accommodation without fearing that people of my race cannot get
in or will be mistreated in the places I have chosen.

41. I can be sure that if I need legal or medical help, my race will not work against me.

42. I can arrange my activities so that I will never have to experience feelings of rejection
owing to my race.

43. If I have low credibility as a leader I can be sure that my race is not the problem.

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44. I can easily find academic courses and institutions which give attention only to people
of my race.

45. I can expect figurative language and imagery in all of the arts to testify to experiences
of my race.

46. I can chose blemish cover or bandages in “flesh” color and have them more or less
match my skin.

47. I can travel alone or with my spouse without expecting embarrassment or hostility in
those who deal with us.

48. I have no difficulty finding neighborhoods where people approve of our household.

49. My children are given texts and classes which implicitly support our kind of family
unit and do not turn them against my choice of domestic partnership.

50. I will feel welcomed and “normal” in the usual walks of public life, institutional and
social.

Elusive and fugitive

I repeatedly forgot each of the realizations on this list until I wrote it down. For me white
privilege has turned out to be an elusive and fugitive subject. The pressure to avoid it is
great, for in facing it I must give up the myth of meritocracy. If these things are true, this
is not such a free country; one’s life is not what one makes it; many doors open for certain
people through no virtues of their own.

In unpacking this invisible knapsack of white privilege, I have listed conditions of daily
experience that I once took for granted. Nor did I think of any of these perquisites as bad
for the holder. I now think that we need a more finely differentiated taxonomy of
privilege, for some of these varieties are only what one would want for everyone in a just
society, and others give license to be ignorant, oblivious, arrogant, and destructive.

I see a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege, a pattern of assumptions that
were passed on to me as a white person. There was one main piece of cultural turf; it was
my own turn, and I was among those who could control the turf. My skin color was an
asset for any move I was educated to want to make. I could think of myself as belonging
in major ways and of making social systems work for me. I could freely disparage, fear,
neglect, or be oblivious to anything outside of the dominant cultural forms. Being of the
main culture, I could also criticize it fairly freely.

In proportion as my racial group was being made confident, comfortable, and oblivious,
other groups were likely being made unconfident, uncomfortable, and alienated.
Whiteness protected me from many kinds of hostility, distress, and violence, which I was
being subtly trained to visit, in turn, upon people of color.

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 For this reason, the word “privilege” now seems to me misleading. We usually think of
privilege as being a favored state, whether earned or conferred by birth or luck. Yet some
of the conditions I have described here work systematically to over empower certain
groups. Such privilege simply confers dominance because of one’s race or sex.

Earned strength, unearned power

I want, then, to distinguish between earned strength and unearned power. Conferred
privilege can look like strength when it is in fact permission to escape or to dominate. But
not all of the privileges on my list are inevitably damaging. Some, like the expectation
that neighbors will be decent to you, or that your race will not count against you in court,
should be the norm in a just society. Others, like the privilege to ignore less powerful
people, distort the humanity of the holders as well as the ignored groups.

We might at least start by distinguishing between positive advantages, which we can
work to spread, and negative types of advantage, which unless rejected will always
reinforce our present hierarchies. For example, the feeling that one belongs within the
human circle, as Native Americans say, should not be seen as privilege for a few. Ideally
it is an unearned entitlement. At present, since only a few have it, it is an unearned
advantage for them. This paper results from a process of coming to see that some of the
power that I originally say as attendant on being a human being in the United States
consisted in unearned advantage and conferred dominance.

I have met very few men who truly distressed about systemic, unearned male advantage
and conferred dominance. And so one question for me and others like me is whether we
will be like them, or whether we will get truly distressed, even outraged, about unearned
race advantage and conferred dominance, and, if so, what we will do to lessen them. In
any case, we need to do more work in identifying how they actually affect our daily lives.
Many, perhaps most, of our white students in the United States think that racism doesn’t
affect them because they are not people of color; they do not see “whiteness” as a racial
identity. In addition, since race and sex are not the only advantaging systems at work, we
need similarly to examine the daily experience of having age advantage, or ethnic
advantage, or physical ability, or advantage related to nationality, religion, or sexual
orientation.

Difficulties and angers surrounding the task of finding parallels are many. Since racism,
sexism, and heterosexism are not the same, the advantages associated with them should
not be seen as the same. In addition, it is hard to disentangle aspects of unearned
advantage that rest more on social class, economic class, race, religion, sex, and ethnic
identity that on other factors. Still, all of the oppressions are interlocking, as the members
of the Combahee River Collective pointed out in their “Black Feminist Statement” of
1977.

One factor seems clear about all of the interlocking oppressions. They take both active
forms, which we can see, and embedded forms, which as a member of the dominant
groups one is taught not to see. In my class and place, I did not see myself as a racist
because I was taught to recognize racism only in individual acts of meanness by members

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of my group, never in invisible systems conferring unsought racial dominance on my
group from birth.

Disapproving of the system won’t be enough to change them. I was taught to think that
racism could end if white individuals changed their attitude. But a “white” skin in the
United States opens many doors for whites whether or not we approve of the way
dominance has been conferred on us. Individual acts can palliate but cannot end these
problems.

To redesign social systems we need first to acknowledge their colossal unseen
dimensions. The silences and denials surrounding privilege are the key political here.
They keep the thinking about equality or equity incomplete, protecting unearned
advantage and conferred dominance by making these subject taboo. Most talk by whites
about equal opportunity seems to me now to be about equal opportunity to try to get into
a position of dominance while denying that systems of dominance exist.

It seems to me that obliviousness about white advantage, like obliviousness about male
advantage, is kept strongly enculturated in the United States so as to maintain the myth of
meritocracy, the myth that democratic choice is equally available to all. Keeping most
people unaware that freedom of confident action is there for just a small number of
people props up those in power and serves to keep power in the hands of the same groups
that have most of it already.

Although systemic change takes many decades, there are pressing questions for me and, I
imagine, for some others like me if we raise our daily consciousness on the perquisites of
being light-skinned. What will we do with such knowledge? As we know from watching
men, it is an open question whether we will choose to use unearned advantage, and
whether we will use any of our arbitrarily awarded power to try to reconstruct power
systems on a broader base.

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Name

Date

Social Work 151

Diversity Exploration #1

White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack by Peggy McIntosh

After you have read White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack, ask yourself the following questions and single space type your responses. Overtly
bold type
the prompts with your responses following in regular type. You can be brief, but your responses should be in complete sentences. I want to know what you think, not word-for-word Google responses.

1. What is white privilege?

2. What is unearned advantage?

3. What is conferred dominance?

4. How do people deny that systems of dominance exist?

5. How is white advantage strongly enculturated?

6. What is meant by the myth of meritocracy?

7. How might someone with white privilege use his or her unearned advantage for the betterment of all and not just his/her own cohorts? What ideas do you have about how people who are born “white” can use arbitrarily awarded power to try to reconstruct power systems?