Order 1013720: African Americans should not receive reparation for slavery.

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Pineda 2

Updated ENG 102 Research Paper Requirements Spring 2018

The Assignment:

Write an MLA Research Paper on an Approved Research Topic

General Requirements

· Font style and size: Calibri size 11

· Double spaced with no extra spaces between paragraphs

· No bold anywhere in the paper

· The body of the paper must be a minimum of 7 pages

· The list of works cited pages do
not
count as part of the 7 page minimum

See sample research paper in Bedford pp. 666 – 73 (works cited list begins on page 8)

· Research papers not on the list of ENG 102 Research Topics will not be accepted without instructor’s
prior
approval

· Students who change topics without instructor approval will fail
the course

· Research paper must be presented as an argument not as an informational paper

· Research paper must follow “MLA manuscript format” per Bedford 57a, pp. 662 – 65

· Minimum of 6 sources must come from the Phoenix College databases subject to change by instructor approval depending on topic and availability of sources

· May cite 6 – 9 general sources from the Internet

· Limit: Maximum 3 articles from the same database

· Limit: Maximum 2 articles from the same Web site

· Must cite a minimum of 12 trustworthy sources total (minimum 12; max 15)

· Minimum 1 multi-modal text (e.g., graph, cartoon, video) / See Bedford pp. 160 & 668

· Minimum 1 personal interview cited per Bedford “Directory to MLA Works Cited Models” pp. 611 –13)

· If citing a visual (e.g., graph, cartoon) must include figure number, caption, and source citation per sample in Bedford pp. 667-68 cited per Bedford “Directory to MLA Works Cited Models” pp. 611 –13)

· Image and caption must take up less than one paragraph; or, must add one additional paragraph to the body of the paper

· List of works cited pages are numbered continuously but do not count as part of minimum pages required / See sample research paper in Bedford p. 673

· 2 – 3 scholarly sources from PC databases per Bedford p. 557

· May not use any one source more than 2 times in the same paragraph

· May not use any one source more than 3 times in the entire paper

· Must balance use of sources as follows: Summary 85% / Quotation 10% / Paraphrase 5%

· Maximum 1 long quotation punctuated exactly as shown in Bedford p. 663 – 64 & 671

· May not cite general Wikipedia

· May use Resources section at bottom of a Wikipedia entry to trace a note to its origin and use the original source

· May access Google Scholar

· May cite 3-5 blogs depending on the quality of the source

· If there is any doubt about using a source such as a blog, please check with the instructor before using the source in the final paper

Additional Requirements, Guidelines, and Restrictions

Per MCCCD Official Course Description “understanding writing as a process” in order to have the final paper accepted, students must submit all of the following prior to submitting the final draft:

· 1 Map of Search Strategy

· 1 Research Proposal

· 1 Working Bibliography of 15 – 20 sources in MLA Format / See sample in Files

· 1 Annotated Bibliography of 15 – 20 sources in a Zip Folder in MLA Format / See sample in Files

Per the MCCD Competencies, the final topic must be written about in such a way as to consider all its “ethical, political, and cultural implications”

· Students may
not
submit a research paper written for or submitted to some other class

· Students
may not submit the ENG 102 research paper to another class
for credit without instructor approval

Disclaimer: If minor changes are made to any of the above to fit the needs of this group, students will be notified accordingly.

Horowitz, David 5 x
Villareal
Joeangel villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
28 March, 2018

Full Text:

Article Commentary
David Horowitz, Uncivil Wars: The Controversy over Reparations for

Slavery
. San Francisco, CA: Encounter Books, 2002. Copyright © 2002 by David Horowitz. Reproduced by permission of the publisher, www.encounterbooks.com.

David Horowitz is president of the Center for the Study of Popular Culture, a conservative think tank in Los Angeles, California. He is the author of Uncivil Wars: The Controversy over Reparations for Slavery, the source of the following viewpoint, and Hating Whitey and Other Progressive Causes.

Claims for slavery reparations are founded on racist ideas that are inconsistent with America’s democratic principles and institutions. Singling out only white Americans as those responsible for paying reparations to the descendants of

slaves

is unfair since Africans were involved in the slave trade as well. Moreover, targeting all white Americans is wrong because only a tiny minority of

whites

ever owned slaves and many emigrants to America arrived long after slavery had ended. Trillions of dollars in reparations payments have already been paid to blacks in the form of welfare benefits and other racial preferences. In fact,

African Americans

owe a debt to America, since they now enjoy the highest standard of living of blacks anywhere in the world.

· I. There is no single group responsible for the

crime

of slavery. Comment by joe villareal: This is true because it would be extremely difficult if not impossible to find individuals who were slave owners and find their descendants in todays time.
Black Africans and Arabs were responsible for enslaving the ancestors of African-Americans. There were 3,000 black slave-owners in the antebellum [era prior to the Civil War]
United States
. Are reparations to be paid by their descendants too? There were white slaves in colonial America. Are their descendents going to receive payments?

The impossibility of assigning blame
· II. There is no single group that benefited exclusively from slavery.
The claim for reparations is premised on the false assumption that only whites have benefited from slavery. If
slave labor
has created wealth for Americans, then obviously it has created wealth for black Americans as well, including the descendants of slaves. The GNP [gross national product] of black America makes the African-American community the tenth most prosperous “nation” in the world. American blacks on average enjoy per capita incomes in the range of twenty to fifty times that of blacks living in any of the African nations from which they were kidnapped.
· III. Only a minority of white Americans owned slaves, while others gave their lives to free them.
Only a tiny minority of Americans ever owned slaves. This is true even for those who lived in the antebellum South where only one white in five was a slaveholder. Why should their descendants owe a debt? What about the descendants of the 350,000 Union soldiers who died to free the slaves? They gave their lives. What morality would ask their descendants to pay again? If paying reparations on the basis of skin color is not
racism
, what is? Comment by joe villareal: It does seem counterintuitive to want reparations for slavery from a specific race. This would just stir emotions and bring racism back about the new world in ways we never experienced.
· IV. Most living Americans have no connection (direct or indirect) to slavery. Comment by joe villareal: Reparations would come out of the pockets of people which never had an ancestor linked to slavery in America. Turmoil would be sensed by all ethnicities in our nation.
The two great waves of American immigration occurred after 1880 and then after 1960. What logic would require Vietnamese boat people, Russian refuseniks, Iranian refugees, Armenian
victims
of the Turkish persecution, Jews, Mexicans, Greeks, or Polish, Hungarian, Cambodian and Korean victims of Communism, to pay reparations to American blacks?
· V. The historical precedents used to justify the reparations claim do not ply, and the claim itself is based on

race

not injury.
The historical precedents generally invoked to justify the reparations claim are payments to Jewish survivors of the Holocaust, Japanese-Americans1 and African-American victims of racial experiments in Tuskegee, [Alabama] or racial outrages in Rosewood [Florida] and Oklahoma City [Oklahoma]. But in each case, the recipients of reparations were the direct victims of the injustice or their immediate families. This would be the only case of reparations to people who were not immediately affected and whose sole qualification to receive reparations would be racial. During the slavery era, many blacks were free men or slave-owners themselves, yet the reparations claimants make no attempt to take this fact into account. If this is not racism, what is?
· VI. The reparations argument is based on the unsubstantiated claim that all African-Americans suffer from the economic consequences of slavery and

discrimination
.
No scientific attempt has been made to prove that living individuals have been adversely affected by a slave system that was ended nearly 150 years ago. But there is plenty of evidence that the hardships of slavery were hardships that individuals could and did overcome. The black middle class in America is a prosperous community that is now larger in absolute terms than the black underclass. Its existence suggests that present economic adversity is the result of failures of individual character rather than the lingering after-effects of racial discrimination or a slave system that ceased to exist well over a century ago. West Indian blacks in America are also descended from slaves but their average incomes are equivalent to the average incomes of whites (and nearly 25 percent higher than the average incomes of American-born blacks). How is it that slavery adversely affected one large group of descendants but not the other? How can government be expected to decide an issue that is so subjective? Comment by joe villareal: People who claim their hardships of today are caused by the wrongful treatment of their ancestors have rightful argument because over a century has passed since the systemic slavery in America was present.
· VII. The reparations claim is one more attempt to turn African-Americans into victims. It sends a damaging message to the African-American community and to others.
The renewed sense of grievance—which is what the claim for reparations will inevitably create—is not a constructive or helpful message for black leaders to send to their communities and to others. To focus the social passions of African-Americans on what some other Americans may have done to their ancestors 50 or 150 years ago is to burden them with a crippling sense of victimhood. How are the millions of non-black refugees from tyranny and
genocide
who are now living in America going to receive these claims, moreover, except as demands for special treatment—an extravagant new handout that is only necessary because some blacks can’t seem to locate the ladder of opportunity within reach of others, many of whom are less privileged than themselves?

Debts paid and unpaid
· VIII. Reparations to African-Americans have already been paid.
Since the passage of the
Civil Rights
Acts [1960, 1964, 1968] and the advent of the Great Society in 1965 [introduced by President Lyndon Johnson], trillions of dollars in transfer payments have been made to African-Americans in the form of welfare benefits and racial preferences (in contracts, job placements and educational admissions)—all under the rationale of redressing historic racial grievances. It is said that reparations are necessary to achieve a healing between African-Americans and other Americans. If trillion-dollar restitutions and a wholesale rewriting of American law (in order to accommodate racial preferences) is not enough to achieve a “healing,” what is?
· IX. What about the debt blacks owe to America? Comment by joe villareal: This argument does not hold up because it was not the fault of the blacks who were afraid to speak up for their fundamental human rights, because they were uneducated and outnumbered by their oppressors. Also, slavery would not have needed to be brought to an end if it was not brought up in the first place.
Slavery existed for thousands of years before the Atlantic slave trade, and in all societies. But in the thousand years of slavery’s existence, there never was an anti-slavery movement until white Anglo-Saxon
Christians
created one. If not for the anti-slavery beliefs and military power of white Englishmen and Americans, the slave trade would not have been brought to an end. If not for the sacrifices of white soldiers and a white American president [Abraham Lincoln] who gave his life [Lincoln was assassinated on April 14, 1865] to sign the Emancipation Proclamation [a declaration which freed the Confederate slaves on January 1, 1863], blacks in America would still be slaves. If not for the dedication of Americans of all ethnicities and colors to a society based on the principle that all men are created equal, blacks in America would not enjoy the highest standard of living of blacks anywhere in the world, and indeed one of the highest standards of living of any people in the world. They would not enjoy the greatest freedoms and the most thoroughly protected individual rights anywhere. Where is the acknowledgment of black America and its leaders for those gifts?
· X. The reparations claim is a separatist idea that sets African-Americans against the nation that gave them freedom.
Blacks were here before the Mayflower. Who is more American than the descendants of African slaves? For the African-American community to isolate itself from America is to embark on a course whose implications are troubling. Yet the African-American community has had a long-running flirtation with separatists, nationalists and the political left, who want African-Americans to be no part of America’s social contract. African-Americans should reject this temptation.
For all America’s faults, African-Americans have an enormous stake in this country and its heritage. It is this heritage that is really under attack by the reparations movement. The reparations claim is one more assault on America, conducted by racial separatists and the political left. It is an attack not only on white Americans, but on all Americans—especially African-Americans. Comment by joe villareal: I agree that asking for reparations would be a burden on all Americans and especially African Americans, since it would be a slap in the face of Americans today who want to rid our country of racial tension
America’s African-American citizens are the richest and most privileged black people alive, a bounty that is a direct result of the heritage that is under assault. The American idea needs the support of its African-American citizens. But African-Americans also need the support of the American idea. For it is the American idea that led to the principles and created the institutions that have set African-Americans—and all of us—free.
Footnotes:Footnotes
1. Survivors of Japanese internment camps were paid reparations from the U.S. government in 1988.

Horowitz, David. “Ten Reasons Why Reparations for Slavery Are a Bad Idea.” Reparations for American Slavery, edited by James Haley, Greenhaven Press, 2004. At Issue. Opposing Viewpoints In Context, http://link.galegroup.com.ezproxy.pc.maricopa.edu/apps/doc/EJ3010255202/OVIC?u=mcc_phoe&sid=OVIC&xid=9715d240.

Summary
In this article of opposing viewpoints on the topic should African Americans receive reparations for slavery by David Horowitz, the author of, Uncivil Wars: The Controversy over Reparations for
Slav
ery debates that there is at least ten reasons blacks should not receive reparations for slavery. Being a general writer of controversial topics, Horowitz explains many complications with the idea that blacks are owed reparations because of the systemic slavery that occured in America not too long ago.
Evaluation
Horowitz has many great ideas on why Reparations should not be paid to African Americans such as, no singular entity alive today is responsible for slavery, and how aslig for reparations is racism in itself. One argument that seemed biased was when Horowitz claimed that blacks owe debts to white Americans for the ancestors whom tried fighting for African Americans’ right to a natural life.

__MACOSX/._Horowitz, David 5 x

Horowitz, David 4 x
Villareal
Joeangel villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
28 March, 2018

Full Text:

Article Commentary
David Horowitz, Uncivil Wars: The Controversy over Reparations for

Slavery
. San Francisco, CA: Encounter Books, 2002. Copyright © 2002 by David Horowitz. Reproduced by permission of the publisher, www.encounterbooks.com.

slaves

is unfair since Africans were involved in the slave trade as well. Moreover, targeting all white Americans is wrong because only a tiny minority of

whites

African Americans

owe a debt to America, since they now enjoy the highest standard of living of blacks anywhere in the world.

· I. There is no single group responsible for the

crime

race

__MACOSX/._Horowitz, David 4 x

Iwanisziw, Susan B. x
Villareal
Joe Villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
16 April 2018
Susan B. Iwanisziw

Reparations
Reparations for slavery, or slave redress, means restitution or the return of unjust enrichment gained at the expense of others. This compensation can take the form of land grants; cash; educational, medical, or social services; museums; monuments; and/or apologies.
Acting as private persons, as leaders of public interest groups or as government officials, a number of spokespersons for nations that prospered from slavery have argued that freed slaves or their descendants should be compensated for their injuries from the national stock of wealth spawned by their unpaid labor. The primary focus of reparations are the victims of the transatlantic slave trade and the institution of African slavery in the Americas, but some people argue for compensation on behalf of other enslaved groups, such as the Indians of South America. Proposed programs or actual lawsuits for reparations over the past 150 years have all tended to establish the racial status of prospective recipients; pinpointed the Page 475 |

Top of Article
governmental, religious, or commercial institutions that are morally liable for financing reparations; discussed the historical and continuing harms that are associated with slavery; and explained the symbolic, moral, spiritual, psychological, or economic benefits of reparations on a national and an individual level.
Although Great Britain made no reparations to former slaves when it abolished colonial slavery in 1834, Parliament has awarded reparations, in the form of debt relief, to certain African nations from which slaves were procured and currently debates the advisability of compensating the descendants of colonial slaves. Following British colonial abuses of human rights in Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, the contemporary governments of these nations have acknowledged the pernicious effects of colonial policies affecting the freedoms and dignity of indigenous populations and have apologized to or compensated victims.
Two laws frequently cited to justify slave reparations for those of African descent stem from the atrocities of World War II. The U.S. Civil Liberties Act (1988) mandated the government’s apology to Japanese Americans interred during the war and provided cash compensation in the amount of $20,000 for each victim. The right to reparations for victims of the Holocaust and for brutalized indigenous people was raised as early as 1948, and the recent Foundation Law (2000) requires Germany and its corporations (as well as Swiss, Austrian, and French governments and corporations) to compensate slave laborers, forced laborers, and the victims of theft, insurance fraud, and other damages. However, these wartime human rights abuses contravened existing laws: The problem with slave redress is that the institution of slavery in the United States was, at the time, a lawful commercial enterprise.
The United States is a major center of debate and litigation over the provision of reparations for African slavery. Indeed, the nation has a history of promising reparations. After the U.S. Civil War, the federal government initiated a series of reparations programs to foster the economic independence of freed slaves. In 1865, General William Sherman issued Field Order No. 15, which provided a 40-acre tract (from land captured from South Carolina to Florida) for 40,000 former slaves, and the U.S. Congress immediately established the Freedman’s Bureau to oversee these grants. Shortly thereafter, President Andrew Johnson reversed the order. In 1866, Congress passed the Southern Homestead Act to provide the freedmen (former slaves) with 80-acre parcels of land for the price of five dollars, but only 1,000 freedmen were able to benefit. In 1867, Representative Thaddeus Stevens proposed a slave-reparations bill that would give every freed adult male 40 acres of land and $50 to build a house. None of these measures was successful; most freed slaves remained uncompensated for their labor and suffering during slavery.
During the 20th century, various measures brought reparations to Page 476 |

Top of Article
public notice. A number of lawsuits against federal or state governments and against businesses have been filed, all of them, so far, without pecuniary success, although, in 2000, Aetna Insurance Company issued an apology for its historical involvement in issuing slave-insurance policies. Nonlitigious claims have included James Forman’s Black Manifesto (1969), a claim upon American churches and synagogues for reparations in the amount of $50 million to fund various African American self-help programs; several proposals by Representative John Conyers (D-Michigan) calling for the formation of a commission to study reparations, including a request for a formal apology to the descendants of slaves (1999); and a proposal by Representative Tony Hall (D-Ohio) calling for a formal resolution to acknowledge and to apologize for slavery (2000).
Public debate, which is abundant and frequently acrimonious in the United States, goes beyond the question of whether or not African Americans deserve reparations and/or an apology. Even those in favor of atonement disagree about whether reparations should be made to African Americans for the economic and social injustices stemming from slavery or from subsequent civil rights violations. They also disagree about the socioeconomic status and heritage of individuals or groups meriting inclusion, about which private or public institutions should bear the cost of funding reparations, and about the type and degree of atonement to be demanded of white Americans. As yet, no single avenue of proceeding in the matter of reparations has surfaced in the United States or elsewhere to funnel effort and money into a movement with broad-based popular support.
Iwanisziw, Susan B. “Reparations.” Slavery in the Modern World: A History of Political, Social, and Economic Oppression, edited by Junius P. Rodriguez, vol. 2, ABC-CLIO, 2011, pp. 474-476. Gale Virtual Reference Library,
https://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/CX3309200211/GVRL?u=mcc_phoe&sid=GVRL&xid=cbec3928
.

Summary
In this article Susan B. Iwanisziw, an independent scholar, gives an explanation of what exactly are reparations, she also tells us of countries that have gained from slavery who agree with the idea of reparations for many reasons, and even countries that have wanted reparations paid for other countries own issues with slavery. She details the laws that are cited when caims of reparations come forward. Iwanisziw introduces different programs that were ideas of possible reparations for African Americans and ideas that fell through before reaching any success.
Evaluation
Iwanisziw does not seem biased in her thoughts of reparations for freed slaves. In her article she does not seem to be writing from personal opinion but rather demonstrating facts and actual events. She writes of both negative and positive views on reparations.

__MACOSX/._Iwanisziw, Susan B. x

Cho, Andrew x
Villareal
Joe Villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
16 April 2018
Andrew Cho

Reparations, Slavery
The idea of slavery reparations has been a topic of considerable debate. The premise is that the federal government should provide some form of restitution for the centuries in which the United States benefited during the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Those in support of reparations generally argue that the current economic and social disparities between Blacks and Whites are direct results of the racist legacy of slavery and segregation. This is manifested in problems that African Americans have experienced in acquiring property and income and accumulating wealth, they argue. Supporters of reparations assert that reparations will be a first step toward erasing the existing inequality between Whites and Blacks. Since 1989, Congressman John Conyers, Jr. has introduced a bill each year to study slavery reparations; each year, the bill has failed to garner enough support.
Those against reparations generally maintain that because no African Americans currently living in the United States personally experienced slavery, they are not entitled to such benefits. Furthermore, those against reparations argue that slavery was legal at the time it existed. Thus, although it is evident in retrospect that slavery was morally wrong, there is no legal basis for slavery reparations to be administered. Moreover, they argue that corporations that were involved in the economic exploitation of slave labor have long since mended their ways and should no longer be held liable for the current status of African Americans. Those against reparations also contend that paying reparations would increase racial tensions in this country. This entry discusses the two perspectives and their historical background.

What Supporters Say
Some supporters justify slavery reparations with arguments pertaining to promises of land for the newly freed slaves shortly after the Civil War. General William Tecumseh Sherman issued Special Field Page 1149 | Top of Article Order No. 15, which set aside land in the South for the freedmen. Forty acres were to be distributed to each head of a former slave family. The term Forty Acres and a Mule, which is a rallying slogan for reparations supporters, originates from Sherman’s order. Even though Sherman never specifically mentioned mules, some believe that the army may have distributed them to help the freedmen till the land. However, after President Abraham Lincoln was assassinated and Andrew Johnson became president, the order was reversed and the land was redirected to Whites.
After emancipation, the lives of the former slaves did not change that much. Although the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth amendments were passed to provide equal rights and protection under the law for the newly freed slaves as U.S. citizens, equality was not the reality. Black Codes and Jim Crow laws were instituted so that options were limited for Blacks. Many continued working on the plantations for White landowners. Blacks and Whites were segregated socially and legally.
Moreover, violence against Blacks did not stop with emancipation. The lynching and murder of Blacks also continued, and race riots in Chicago, Illinois (1919); Tulsa, Oklahoma (1921); and Rosewood, Florida (1923), left many Blacks dead or victimized by White rioters. In addition, even though there has been ample opportunity to do so, the U.S. government still has not formally apologized for slavery, and recent legislative proposals by Congress to do so have not been supported either.
Even though slavery has been abolished, reparations supporters point out that disparities and inequality between Blacks and Whites still exist. One of the main points of contention is that the wealth gap between Blacks and Whites is pronounced. Because of laws that prevented slaves from owning property, the legacy of slavery has produced adverse generational effects on the descendants of slaves. Thus, although White families were able to pass on wealth and assets from generation to generation, Black families were not able to do so. The current racial wealth gap is best manifested in that home equity disparities between Blacks and Whites are enormous. Some scholars estimate that today’s generation of Black families are missing out on billions of dollars in home equity. This is primarily because of the legacy of slavery, supporters of reparations say, but also because of discriminatory housing practices such as restrictive covenants, steering, and redlining.
The concept of issuing reparations to atone for the mistreatment of a particular group is not new. Following World War II, Germany paid $822 million to Holocaust survivors and heirs. The United States has paid reparations to Alaskan Natives and various Native American tribes such as the Klamaths, Lakota, Seminoles, Chippewas, and Ottawas. More recently, in 1990, $1.2 billion in reparations, or $20,000 per person, was paid to living Japanese American internees of World War II.
The Japanese American Redress Movement, which began in Seattle, successfully argued that because Japanese Americans were forcibly removed from their homes against their will, their property was confiscated or stolen, and their children were taken from schools and also interned, reparations should be issued to rectify the federal government’s wrongdoing. Supporters of slavery reparations have argued that the compensation paid to these groups have been legitimate and rightly deserved; likewise, reparations for slavery are also as just as, if not more, deserving and long overdue, they say.

What Opponents Say
Opponents of slavery reparations claim that the circumstances of African Americans are different from those of groups that have received compensation. Reparations in previous cases were paid to living survivors who were directly affected, opponents argue. Because no living survivors of slavery exist, reparations should not be distributed to descendants who did not directly undergo the suffering and hardships of slavery, opponents say. Opponents also maintain that identifying descendants of slaves to receive reparations would be difficult. Also, according to the one-drop rule (which classified as Black anyone with “one drop” of African blood), many in the United States could start to claim Black ancestry for the sole purpose of receiving reparations. Furthermore, reparations opponents argue that that recent immigrants to the United States who had nothing to do with slavery and did not benefit whatsoever from it would unfairly be obligated to help pay for reparations.
Those against reparations also assert that the United States was not the only country engaged in the slave trade and that because slavery was legal at the time, no laws were broken and the government should not be held accountable. Opponents also argue that corporations such as banks and insurers that profited Page 1150 | Top of Article from financing the slave trade or insuring slaves have long since changed their ways. A few of these corporations have apologized for their involvement and now actively recruit potential Black employees. Anti-reparations advocates maintain that targeting these firms with lawsuits may financially cripple these companies and lead to disastrous economic outcomes for many individuals and communities.
Reparations opponents assert that issuing slavery reparations will increase racial tensions in this country. They maintain that because most present-day U.S. residents could state, “My family never owned slaves,” reparations will only further divide the racial and ethnic groups in the United States by fostering resentment among those that believe they are paying for what happened long ago.
In sum, the issue of slavery reparations is quite contentious, with many having strong, passionate feelings of support for or opposition to slavery reparations. In addition, not all Blacks support reparations and not all Whites are against reparations. Some opposition may be based on the popular misconception that reparations would be distributed in the form of individual checks to African Americans; however, the issuance of individual checks is only one proposed manner of doling out slavery reparations. Other proposals include apportioning a percentage of the tax dollars paid by Blacks into an allotted pool. This money would then go to a reparations fund that would be reinvested into Black communities to increase social services, educational opportunities, housing loans, health care, and jobs. In this manner, many reparations supporters claim that society as a whole would benefit.
Andrew Cho
“Reparations, Slavery.” Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society, edited by Richard T. Schaefer, vol. 3, SAGE Publications, 2008, pp. 1148-1150. Gale Virtual Reference Library, https://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/CX3073200481/GVRL?u=mcc_phoe&sid=GVRL&xid=e2bf2a48.
Summary
In this article Andrew Cho outlines the differing opinions on the matter of reparations, and whether or not they should be given for slavery. There are many pros and cons to reparations in this article including the fact that no one alive today is responsible for slavery, and how emancipation and the abolition of slavery still was not enough to keep African Americans out of harm’s way
Evaluate
This article has an informational approach and does not seem to be biased. Cho recites both sides of the argument for reparations in an effort to be unbiased. The author is fair to both sides of the discussion topic.

__MACOSX/._Cho, Andrew x

Horowitz, David 3 x
Villareal
Joeangel villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
28 March, 2018

Full Text:

Article Commentary
David Horowitz, Uncivil Wars: The Controversy over Reparations for

Slavery
. San Francisco, CA: Encounter Books, 2002. Copyright © 2002 by David Horowitz. Reproduced by permission of the publisher, www.encounterbooks.com.

slaves

is unfair since Africans were involved in the slave trade as well. Moreover, targeting all white Americans is wrong because only a tiny minority of

whites

African Americans

owe a debt to America, since they now enjoy the highest standard of living of blacks anywhere in the world.

· I. There is no single group responsible for the

crime

race

__MACOSX/._Horowitz, David 3 x

Sherman, William T x
Villareal
Joe Villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
16 April 2018

INTRODUCTION
The emancipation of
slaves
and the end of legal
slavery
involved three major turning points: the
Emancipation Proclamation of 1863
, Special Field Orders No. 15 of 1865, and the Thirteenth Amendment to the
United States
Constitution in 1865. Each of these actions were important to the
abolition of slavery
; General William T. Sherman’s Special Field Orders No. 15 helped bring an end to slavery while using federal control to enact social and economic change.
One of the pro-slavery arguments posited by southern slave owners was, “What would we do with all the slaves if they were free? Where would they live? What jobs would they take?” This question weighed on President Abraham Lincoln’s mind as he considered the slavery issue. By 1863, Lincoln penned the
Emancipation Proclamation
, freeing slaves in rebel-controlled areas, and offering slaves a place in the
Union army
. This gradualist approach was followed by the January 1865 Special Field Orders No. 15 issued by Sherman, and then the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution later that year.
Sherman’s field order, approved by Lincoln, seized portions of the south to redistribute to current and former slaves. In addition, it offered military service opportunities for current and former slaves, encouraging slaves to flock to Union territory to receive commissions and land.

PRIMARY SOURCE
In the Field, Savannah, Georgia, January 16th, 1865.
Special Field Orders, No. 15.
I. The islands from Charleston, south, the abandoned rice fields along the rivers for thirty miles back from the sea, and the country bordering the St. Johns river, Florida, are reserved and set apart for the settlement of the negroes now made free by the acts of war and the proclamation of the
President of the United States
.
II. At Beaufort, Hilton Head, Savannah, Fernandina, St. Augustine and Jacksonville, the blacks may remain in their chosen or accustomed vocations—but on the islands, and in the settlements hereafter to be established, no white person whatever, unless military officers and soldiers detailed for duty, will be permitted to reside; and the sole and exclusive management of affairs will be left to the freed people themselves, subject only to the United States military authority and the acts of Congress. By the laws of war, and orders of the President of the United States, the negro is free and must be dealt with as such. He cannot be subjected to conscription or forced military service, save by the written orders of the highest military authority of the Department, under such regulations as the President or Congress may prescribe. Domestic servants, blacksmiths, carpenters and other mechanics, will be free to select their own work and residence, but the young and able-bodied negroes must be encouraged to enlist as soldiers in the service of the United States, to contribute their share towards maintaining their own
freedom
, and securing their rights as citizens of the United States.
Negroes so enlisted will be organized into companies, battalions and regiments, under the orders of the United States military authorities, and will be paid, fed and clothed according to law. The bounties paid on enlistment may, with the consent of the recruit, go to assist his family and settlement in procuring agricultural implements, seed, tools, boots, clothing, and other articles necessary for their livelihood.
III. Whenever three respectable negroes, heads of families, shall desire to settle on land, and shall have selected for that purpose an island or a locality clearly defined, within the limits above designated, the Inspector of Settlements and
Plantations
will himself, or by such subordinate officer as he may appoint, give them a license to settle such island or district, and afford them such assistance as he can to enable them to establish a peaceable agricultural settlement. The three parties named will subdivide the land, under the supervision of the Inspector, among themselves and such others as may choose to settle near them, so that each family shall have a plot of not more than (40) forty acres of tillable ground, and when it borders on some water channel, with not more than 800 feet water front, in the possession of which land the military authorities will afford them protection, until such time as they can protect themselves, or until Congress shall regulate their title. The Quartermaster may, on the requisition of the Inspector of Settlements and Plantations, place at the disposal of the Inspector, one or more of the captured steamers, to ply between the settlements and one or more of the commercial points heretofore named in orders, to afford the settlers the opportunity to supply their necessary wants, and to sell the products of their land and labor.
IV. Whenever a negro has enlisted in the military service of the United States, he may locate his family in any one of the settlements at pleasure, and acquire a homestead, and all other rights and privileges of a settler, as though present in person. In like manner, negroes may settle their families and engage on board the gunboats, or in fishing, or in the navigation of the inland waters, without losing any claim to land or other advantages derived from this system. But no one, unless an actual settler as above defined, or unless absent on Government service, will be entitled to claim any right to land or property in any settlement by virtue of these orders.
V. In order to carry out this system of settlement, a general officer will be detailed as Inspector of Settlements and Plantations, whose duty it shall be to visit the settlements, to regulate their police and general management, and who will furnish personally to each head of a family, subject to the approval of the President of the United States, a possessory title in writing, giving as near as possible the description of boundaries; and who shall adjust all claims or conflicts that may arise under the same, subject to the like approval, treating such titles altogether as possessory. The same general officer will also be charged with the enlistment and organization of the negro recruits, and protecting their interests while absent from their settlements; and will be governed by the rules and regulations prescribed by the War Department for such purposes.
VI. Brigadier General R. Saxton is hereby appointed Inspector of Settlements and Plantations, and will at once enter on the performance of his duties. No change is intended or desired in the settlement now on Beaufort [Port Royal] Island, nor will any rights to property heretofore acquired be affected thereby.
By Order of Major General W. T. Sherman

Sherman, William Tecumseh. “Special Field Orders No. 15.” Social Policy: Essential Primary Sources, edited by K. Lee Lerner, et al., Gale, 2006, pp. 103-105. Global Issues In Context,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/CX2687400051/GIC?u=mcc_phoe&sid=GIC&xid=e61eadee
.

Summary
Special Field Order No.15 was an attempt to get Blacks on their feet during the time of slavery. Land was to be given to the former slaves to compensate for their unjust treatment during the time of slavery. The refugees of slavery were meant to have their own land and be just as free as a white person in an attempt to abolish slavery.
Evaluate
Sherman was a general in the army of the union fighting against slavery at the time he wrote these field orders. Sherman was not biased because during this time he sided with the African Americans which was the unpopular ideology of sherman’s time.

__MACOSX/._Sherman, William T x

Horowitz, David 2 x
Villareal
Joeangel villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
28 March, 2018

Full Text:

Article Commentary
David Horowitz, Uncivil Wars: The Controversy over Reparations for

Slavery
. San Francisco, CA: Encounter Books, 2002. Copyright © 2002 by David Horowitz. Reproduced by permission of the publisher, www.encounterbooks.com.

slaves

is unfair since Africans were involved in the slave trade as well. Moreover, targeting all white Americans is wrong because only a tiny minority of

whites

African Americans

owe a debt to America, since they now enjoy the highest standard of living of blacks anywhere in the world.

· I. There is no single group responsible for the

crime

race

__MACOSX/._Horowitz, David 2 x

Guezo, Allen C. 4 x
Villareal
Joe Villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
07 February 2018
Annotated Article Guelzo
Should blacks get reparations?

The Christian Science Monitor
. (July 16, 2009)
COPYRIGHT 2009 The Christian Science Publishing Society
From Global Issues in Context.

Listen

Full Text:
Byline: Allen C. Guelzo
Gettysburg, Pa. — “You wonder why we didn’t do it 100 years ago,” said Iowa Sen. Tom Harkin, after the Senate voted June 18 to endorse a national apology for
slavery
. “It is important to have a collective response to a collective injustice.” And considering the scale and brutality of slavery in American history, Senator Harkin could not be more right.
Abraham Lincoln described slavery as “the one retrograde institution in America,” and told a delegation of black leaders in 1862 that “your
race
are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on any people.”
But one reason why we have waited so long has to do with what many advocates of the apology regard as the necessary next step – reparations to African-Americans by the federal government. Significantly, that’s a step the Senate’s apology resolution refused to take.
“Nothing in this resolution,” said Concurrent Resolution 26, “authorizes or supports any claim against the
United States
; or serves as a settlement of any claim against the United States.”
That refusal will inject new acrimony into a slow-burning debate over reparations that has been going on for 40 years. “There are going to be African-Americans who think that [the apology] is not reparations, and it’s not action,” admitted Tennessee Rep. Stephen Cohen (D), who has been a longtime backer of the apology.
And indeed there are. Randall Robinson, whose book, “The Debt: What America Owes to Blacks” (2000), demanded “massive restitutions” to American blacks for slavery, insists that an apology is meaningless without reparations payments to African-Americans. “Much is owed, and it is very quantifiable,” Mr. Robinson said after the Senate vote. “It is owed as one would owe for any labor that one has not paid for, and until steps are taken in that direction we haven’t accomplished anything.”
Illinois Sen. Roland Burris (D) added: “I want to go on record making sure that that disclaimer in no way would eliminate future actions that may be brought before this body that may deal with reparations.”
And on the surface, the case for reparations to African-Americans has all the legal simplicity of an ordinary tort. A wrong was committed; therefore, compensation is due to those who were wronged. But just below that surface is a nest of disturbing complications that undercut the ease with which Robinson, Mr. Burris, and other reparations activists have put their case.
1. Who was legally responsible for slavery? Not the federal government. Slavery was always a matter of individual state enactments, which is what made Lincoln’s initial attempts to free the
slaves
so difficult.
When it was written in 1787, the Constitution only obliquely recognized the existence of legalized slavery in the states, and only mentioned it directly when it provided for the termination of the transatlantic
slave trade
in 1808. Congress twice passed laws regulating the capture of
fugitive slaves
. But there was no federal slave code and no federal statute legalizing slavery.
Nor was slavery confined only to the 11 Southern states of the old Confederacy. It was legal in New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey as late as the 1820s. If reparations are what’s in view after an apology, the real target has to be the states; and if reparations are demanded from Alabama, it will want to know why it’s more guilty than other states.
2. Who should be paid? At first glance, the answer seems obvious: the slaves. But the victims of slavery are now long dead; it is the heirs of those victims who stand next in line for compensation. Still, the line is a shaky and complicated one, with the chief complication lurking in the genes of African-Americans themselves.
Slavery was a system of bondage; it was also a system of forced rape and violent sexual exploitation across the old slave South. The mixed-race offspring of slavery were plain to see on every plantation.
And the long-term result is that the average African-American today has been estimated, in genetic terms, to be approximately 20 percent white – and much of that 20 percent includes the genes of the white
slaveholders
who originally owned his great-grandparents.
By what logic do we pay reparations for slavery to those who, in all too many cases, are literally descendents of the actual slaveholders? And should reparations for slavery include the descendents of those blacks who – like President Obama – did not arrive in the US until after slavery was ended?
3. What about the
Civil War
? Slavery did not end by evaporation. It took a catastrophic civil war, which cost 620,000 dead – equivalent to nearly 7 million today; it cost $190 billion (in today’s dollars) to wage and multiplied the national debt by 400 percent; and it inflicted a casualty rate of 27 percent on Southern white males between the ages of 17 and 45, the very people most likely to own slaves.
At that time, there was no shortage of racists in the North who insisted that the Civil War was being waged only to preserve the Union, not to abolish slavery. But Lincoln knew otherwise, and he charged both North and South with knowing it, too. Slavery “constituted a peculiar and powerful interest” in the South, Lincoln said in 1865, and “all knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war.”
The war, Lincoln said, was God’s instrument for the ultimate reparation – every drop of blood drawn with the lash had been paid for with blood drawn by the sword. The blood-price of the Civil War may not automatically silence the case for reparations on its own. But the case for reparations cannot ignore it, either.
Reparations are held up as a gesture of retroactive justice, righting the wrongs that were done to our great-grandparents and before. Yet there is a deep instinct in the American national psyche that bucks at the notion of defining the present by the definitions of the past, which is one reason why reparations lawsuits have so routinely failed.
If it is racial justice we seek, the greater wisdom lies in addressing it directly, for this generation.
Allen C. Guelzo is the Henry R. Luce Professor of the Civil War Era at Gettysburg College, and the author of “Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President.”
(c) Copyright 2009. The Christian Science Monitor
By Allen C. Guelzo
Guelzo, Allen C. “Should blacks get reparations?” Christian Science Monitor, 16 July 2009, p. 9. Global Issues In Context,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A203805383/GIC?u=mcc_phoe&sid=GIC&xid=db1deb51
.

Summary
Sen. Tom Harkin of Iowa explains the difficulties in the federal government paying reparations for slavery such as, civil war being the ultimate reparation for god, states are primarily for slavery so reparations must come from the accused states. Only around thirty states existed at the time slavery was an issue
Evaluation
Although Harkin seemed not to be unjust one reason he could possibly be biased is the fact that he is a white male in America and would not be able to effectively see the racial divide from an affected individual’s view.

__MACOSX/._Guezo, Allen C. 4 x

Horowitz, David x
Villareal
Joeangel villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
28 March, 2018

Full Text:

Article Commentary
David Horowitz, Uncivil Wars: The Controversy over Reparations for

Slavery
. San Francisco, CA: Encounter Books, 2002. Copyright © 2002 by David Horowitz. Reproduced by permission of the publisher, www.encounterbooks.com.

slaves

is unfair since Africans were involved in the slave trade as well. Moreover, targeting all white Americans is wrong because only a tiny minority of

whites

African Americans

owe a debt to America, since they now enjoy the highest standard of living of blacks anywhere in the world.

· I. There is no single group responsible for the

crime

race

__MACOSX/._Horowitz, David x

Guezo, Allen C. x
Villareal
Joe Villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
07 February 2018
Annotated Article Guelzo
Should blacks get reparations?

The Christian Science Monitor
. (July 16, 2009)
COPYRIGHT 2009 The Christian Science Publishing Society
From Global Issues in Context.

Listen

__MACOSX/._Guezo, Allen C. x

McWhorter, John x
Villareal
Joe Villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
16 April 2018
John McWhorter

Article Commentary

“Blood Money,” The American Enterprise, vol. 12, July 2001, p. 18, Copyright © 2001 by The American Enterprise, a magazine of Politics, Business, and Culture. On the web at www.TAEmag.com. Reproduced by permission.

John McWhorter teaches linguistics at the University of California in Berkeley.
My childhood was a typical one for a black American in his mid-thirties. I grew up middle class in a quiet, safe neighborhood in Philadelphia [Pennsylvania]. I still miss living at the top of the tidy little cul-de-sac known as Marion Lane, and to this day there are few things more soothing to me than a walk through Carpenter’s Woods across the street.
I didn’t grow up in a segregated world. My parents didn’t live “just enough for the city,” as the old Stevie Wonder song goes; my mother taught social work at Temple University and my father was a student activities administrator there. My parents were far from wealthy, living at the edge of their credit cards like many middle class people. But I had everything I needed plus some extras, and spent more time in one of our two cars than on buses.
Contrary to popular belief, I was by no means extraordinarily “lucky” or “unusual” among black Americans of the post-
Civil Rights
era. Them was a time when the childhood I’ve just described was the province of a tiny “black bourgeoisie.” (In 1940, for example, only one in a hundred black families had a middle class income.) But today, there are legions of black adults in the
United States
who grew up as I did. As a child, I never had trouble finding black peers, and as an adult, meeting black people with life histories like mine requires no searching. In short, in our moment, black success is a norm. Less than one in four black families now live below the
poverty
line, and the black underclass is at most one out of five blacks. This is what the Civil Rights revolution helped make possible, and I grew up exhilarated at belonging to a
race
that had made such progress in the face of many obstacles.
Yet today, numerous black officials tell the public that lives like mine are statistical noise, that the overriding situation for blacks is one of penury, dismissal, and spiritual desperation. Under this analysis, the blood of
slavery
remains on the hands of mainstream America until it allocates a large sum of money to “repair” the unsurmounted damage done to our race over four centuries.
The ideological impulses infecting black America since the mid-1960s make a “reparations” movement not just logical but almost predictable. Yet the notion is a distraction from the real work we have to do.

Reparations or Blood Money?

The shorthand version of the reparations idea is that living blacks are “owed” the money that our slave ancestors were denied for their unpaid servitude. But few black Americans even know the names or life stories of their slave ancestors; almost none of us have pictures or keepsakes from that far back. I am relatively unique even in happening to know my most recent slave ancestor’s name—it was also John Hamilton McWhorter. Yes, my slave ancestors were “blood” to me; yes, what was done to them was unthinkable. But the 150 years between me and them has rendered our tie little more than biological. Paying anyone for the suffering of long-dead strangers, even if technically relatives, would be more a matter of blood money than “reparation.”
Quite simply, for me to reap a windfall from the first John Hamilton McWhorter’s suffering would be a trivialization of his existence. He spent a life in unpaid and permanent servitude; I get paid because every now and then I get trailed by a salesclerk? Or even stopped on a drug check by a policeman? That would dishonor my ancestors’ suffering.
Perhaps recognizing this, the reparations movement is now drifting away from the “back salary” argument to justifications emphasizing the effects of slavery since Emancipation. It is said blacks deserve payment for residual echoes of their earlier disenfranchisement and
segregation
. This justification, however, is predicated upon the misconception that in 2001, most blacks are “struggling.”
This view denies the stunning success that the race has achieved over the past 40 years. It persists because many Americans, black and white, have accepted the leftist notion which arose in the mid-1960s that blacks are primarily
victims
in this country, that
racism
and structural injustice hobble all but a few individual blacks. Based on emotion, victimologist thought ignores the facts of contemporary black success and progress, because they do not square with the “blame game.”
The depictions of modern black America by reparations advocates—like Randall Robinson, author of The Debt: What America Owes to Blacks, who sees nothing but tragedy, scorn, and neglect for blacks in America—often sound even bleaker than analyses by black intellectuals at the turn of the [twentieth] century, when most blacks were still mired in poverty in the South. [Writer] W.E.B. Du Bois noted back in 1912 that blacks “have in a generation changed from a slave to a free labor system, reestablished family life, accumulated $1,000,000,000 [in] property, including 20,000,000 acres of land, and reduced their illiteracy from 80 to 30 percent.”
One would never hear a modern “civil rights leader” make such a statement today, because it highlights black success rather than failure. This is a serious mistake. No valid appeal for reparations can be based on an inaccurate stereotype that “black” means ”
poor
“—especially when the very people calling for reparations are so quick to decry this stereotype as racist when
whites
appeal to it.
Reparations cannot logically rely on a depiction of black Americans as a race still reeling from the brutal experience of slavery and its aftereffects. The reality is that, by any estimation, in the year 2001 there are more middle class blacks than poor ones. The large majority of black Americans, while surely not immune to the slings and arrows of the eternal injustices of life on earth, are now leading dignified lives as new variations on what it means to be American.
An argument for reparations that acknowledged the success and basic strength of black America today would aim squarely at the quarter or so of all blacks who are struggling, especially those in the inner cities. Even here, however, we must be careful about what “reparations” would be intended to do. If all black Americans living below the poverty line were given a subsidy to move to the suburbs, free tuition for college, and/or a small business loan, all indications are that it would make no difference in the overall condition of most of their lives in the long run. As the pitfalls of Section 8 programs in various cities have shown, a house in the suburbs cannot undo deeply ingrained cultural patterns etched by racism of the past but today self-generating.
Money to attend college is of little use in a culture that has inherited from the Black Power movement a tendency to equate scholarly commitment (beyond black-related topics) with “acting white.” This pulls down the performance of even many middle class black students. The less privileged ones too often just drop out entirely.
The person who obtains a small business loan on his own can’t help but have a deeper commitment to its success than the person who is simply handed a check from on high with no questions asked. This has been painfully clear from the checkered and often corrupt record of minority businesses that owe their existence to contracts meted out according to racial preferences.
The reality is that the only way for any group of human beings to succeed is through individual initiative. This may not be fair for a group with a history of oppression, but history records no other pathway to the top. In the mid-1960s, America experimented with the idea, a reasonable guess on its face, that simply giving handouts to poor blacks would enable them to bypass the conventional route to self-realization. But today the data are in: a three-generations-deep welfare culture where work was an option rather than a given, where a passive and victimhood-based relationship to mainstream accomplishment was endemic. There is nothing “black” about this, given that similar policies have left an equally bleak situation in Native American communities, as well as white ones in Appalachia.
A “reparations” movement predicated upon the fiction that more brute handouts will raise large numbers of black people out of poverty would actually work against true and lasting uplift, leaving life nasty, brutish, and short for millions of black people. As the old adage goes—one which many blacks would spontaneously applaud—”Give a man a fish and he’ll eat for a day, teach a man to fish and he’ll eat forever.”
Any effort to repair problems in black America must focus on helping people to help themselves. Funds must be devoted to ushering welfare mothers into working for a living, so that their children do not grow up learning that
employment
is something “other people” do. Inner city communities should be helped to rebuild themselves, in part through making it easier for residents to buy their homes. Police forces ought to be trained to avoid brutality, which turns young blacks against the mainstream today, and to work with, rather than against, the communities they serve.
Finally, this country must support all possible efforts to liberate black children from the soul-extinguishing influence of ossified urban
public schools
, and to move them into experimental or all-minority schools where a culture of competition is fostered. This will help undo the sense that intellectual excellence is a “white” endeavor. Surely we must improve the public schools as well, including increasing the exposure of young black children to standardized tests. But we also must make sure another generation of black children are not lost during the years it will take for these schools to get their acts together.
Most readers will have noticed that all of the things I just described are in fact taking place. George W. Bush’s Faith-Based and Community Initiatives effort is a long-overdue attempt to bring black churches into play in helping make inner-city neighborhoods stable communities. Meanwhile, community development corporations are slowly working quiet wonders in such neighborhoods by granting inner-city people loans with which to purchase real estate. The Community Reinvestment Act concurrently spurs banks to make small business loans to
minorities
.
Numerous cities are demonstrating that cooperation between police forces and minority communities can lead to massive drops in crime. And the Bush administration is pressing to move
minority children
into functioning schools, while advocating increased testing of all students (though the Democrats’ coddling of teachers’ unions in return for votes presents a mighty obstacle).
In other words, it could be argued that America is already in the business of “reparations” for blacks, teaching us to fish instead of just giving us a dinner wrapped in newspaper.

“Reparations” Have Already Been Given

Furthermore, there have already been what any outside observer would term “reparations” since the 1960s. When reparations fans grouse that “It’s time America acknowledged slavery,” one wonders just what they thought the “War on Poverty” was. In the 1930s, welfare policies were primarily intended for widows. In the mid-1960s, welfare programs were deliberately expanded for the “benefit” of black people.
Federal and state governments have since poured billions of dollars into welfare payments and the imposing bureaucracy that grew up along with them. This very bureaucracy has gone on to provide secure government jobs for several million blacks. The byzantine industry of urban social service agencies familiar to us today did not exist before the late 1960s.
None of this was specifically termed “reparations,” but it certainly provided unearned cash for underclass blacks for decades, as well as secure jobs for a great many others. Today, welfare programs are thankfully being recast as temporary stopgaps, with welfare mothers being trained for work. The funds and efforts devoted to this laudable effort are again a concrete attempt to overcome structural poverty. A society with no commitment to addressing the injustices of the past wouldn’t bother with any of this effort aimed at poor blacks.

Affirmative action
policies were similarly developed to acknowledge earlier slights. Initially intended as a call to recruit qualified blacks for hiring or school admission, the policy quickly transmogrified into quota systems, with lesser qualified blacks all too often being given positions over better qualified whites. Even most blacks under about age 45 tend to tacitly think of affirmative action as a “reparation,” although they would not put it in just that way.
Despite the Herculean efforts we have seen over the past few decades, the sentiment persists among certain blacks that America somehow “owes” us still. These reparations advocates are at heart motivated by a broken self-image, a deep-seated insecurity about being black. This renders cries of victimhood imperative, because they are internally soothing. Black success is “beside the point” until all whites avidly “like” us. This is what blinds reparations advocates to the fact that most whites—especially educated and influential ones—long ago heard the message. It was Peter Edelman who resigned from the Clinton administration’s Department of
Health
and Human Services over the reform of the welfare laws, and white former university presidents William Bowen and Derek Bok who penned the most prominent book-length defense of affirmative action, The Shape of the River.
Because the reparations movement is ultimately based on an inferiority complex rather than empirical engagement, the only “reparations” acceptable to its advocates would have to be officially titled as such, granted by a white America explicitly designating itself as the agent of all black misery past and present.
The problem is that no aid package could possibly have any substantial or lasting effect on black America unless it is designed to elicit self-generated initiative. And such packages are already in operation, though not titled as “reparations.” Teaching disadvantaged blacks how to fish is exactly what the reform of welfare, the Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, the community development corporations, the Community Reinvestment Act, the school voucher movement, and even the gradual rollback of racial preferences are all designed to do. A package of new handouts and set-asides, tied in a ribbon as a sop to black leaders’ addiction to the giveaways of condescending white leftists, would not only have no serious benefit, it would do outright harm.
There would be damage on both sides of the racial divide. As the magic transformations of the package inevitably failed to appear, the flop would be attributed to there not having been enough money granted. Next a new mantra would become established in the black community to cover the bitter disappointment: “They think they can treat us like animals for four hundred years and then just pay us off?” Meanwhile, non-blacks would begin to grouse “They got reparations—what are they still complaining about?” Whether these mutterings would be valid is beside the point, what matters is that they would arise and be passed on to a new generation, to further poison interracial relations in this country.
Ultimately, a race shows its worth not by how much charity it can extract from others, but in how well it can do in the absence of charity. Black America has elicited more charity from its former oppressors than any race in human history—justifiably in my view. However, this can only serve as a spark—the real work is now ours.

Reforms Versus Pity

The only reparations I could live with are the substantial ones already in effect, which show all signs of making a difference to the minority of blacks left behind during the explosion of the black middle class. There are certainly some additional steps that could be taken to improve the chances of the black underclass: increased child-care centers to make it easier for inner-city mothers to work; better transportation from cities to suburbs to make it easier to get to places of employment; more research on and funding for drug rehabilitation. There would be no harm in labeling a package of policies of this sort “reparations.”
But in the end, most reparations activists would see this as “not enough.” The reforms I’ve described are designed for the mundane business of concrete and measurable uplift. What most reparations advocates are seeking, on the other hand, is an emotional balm: a comprehensive mea culpa by white America of responsibility for everything that ails any blacks.
This version of “civil rights,” however, is a mere excrescence of our moment—a competition for eliciting pity, which pre-1960s civil rights leaders would barely recognize. And it will pass.
McWhorter, John. “Blacks Should Not Be Given Reparations for Slavery.” Racism, edited by Mary E. Williams, Greenhaven Press, 2004. Current Controversies. Opposing Viewpoints In Context,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/EJ3010060248/OVIC?u=mcc_phoe&sid=OVIC&xid=ab62d62e
.
Summary
John McWhorter writes of his normal life as an African American growing up in today’s society. He deems it wrong to expect reparations for something that does not affect us today like it did in the past and dishonorable to steal the reparations owed to the ancestors of African Americans. McWhorter claims that focusing on the actual problems that divide America racially like teaching officers of the law not to exercise brutality rather than giving African Americans today any sum of money.
Evaluation
The fact being McWhorter is an actual descendant of a former slave gives this author much credibility on the racial aspect of reparations. His viewpoint offers an insight to some of the minds who have actually had ancestors affected by slavery.

__MACOSX/._McWhorter, John x

Guezo, Allen C. 5 x
Villareal
Joe Villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
07 February 2018
Annotated Article Guelzo
Should blacks get reparations?

The Christian Science Monitor
. (July 16, 2009)
COPYRIGHT 2009 The Christian Science Publishing Society
From Global Issues in Context.

Listen

__MACOSX/._Guezo, Allen C. 5 x

Tracinski, Robert x
Villareal
Joe Villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
16 April 2018
Robert Tracinski

Article Commentary

Robert Tracinski is the editor of the Intellectual Activist, a magazine that champions the power of reason, the value of the individual, and the freedom of a capitalist society.
Over the past few years, a movement composed of liability lawyers and self-titled ”
civil rights
activists” has been trying to revive a deservedly obscure idea: the payment of reparations for the injustices committed under
slavery
. These activists are undeterred by the fact that none of the original victims or villains of slavery are still alive. Reparations, they say, should be paid by the US government and some long-lived corporations, to compensate the current-day descendants of
slaves
for the wrongs done to their ancestors.
The most prominent step toward reparations is the formation, late [in 2000], of the Reparations Assessment Group, a consortium of academics and liability lawyers led by Harvard Law School Professor Charles Ogletree. The group was formed to prepare civil lawsuits against the federal government and some corporations, ostensibly on behalf of the descendants of slaves.
The case for such reparations is two-fold. First, reparations activists claim that compensation to the descendants of slaves is just, because today’s blacks are the “victims” of slavery, and “the victims of unjust enrichment should be compensated.” Second, they claim that reparations would help “bridge the racial divide” in America and “heal the wounds of slavery.”
In reality, reparations would be a gross injustice, punishing innocent people for a
crime
they did not commit. Even worse, the campaign for reparations will not “heal the wounds of slavery” but will perpetuate racial conflict.
In order to understand why the campaign for reparations is unjust, we have to look, not just at legal precedent, but at the basic moral principles at the foundation of American law.
One of those principles is the idea that justice is individual, not racial. Human beings exist as individuals, with each person responsible for his own choices and actions and entitled to be judged on his own character, not on the color of his skin. By contrast,
racism
consists of treating a person, not as a self-responsible individual, but as an interchangeable cog of some larger racial collective.
If this racist view is implemented in law, the result is manifestly unjust. Suppose, for example, that a bank robber has just made his getaway, and the police are in hot pursuit. All they know about the criminal is that witnesses say he was black. So they round up the first black man they find, haul him off to jail, give him a summary trial, and send him to prison for life. He protests that he is not the person who robbed the bank, but his tormenters say: “Who cares? We know that this crime was committed by a black person, and we punished a black person. It doesn’t matter which one.”
If this example does not sound entirely fictional, it certainly is not. This was the racist approach behind lynchings in the Old South.

Individual Justice vs. Racism
The premise behind every form of racism, we must bear in mind, is the rejection of the principle that justice is individual. As the novelist and philosopher Ayn Rand observed, “Racism is the lowest, most crudely primitive form of collectivism…. [It] means, in practice, that a man is to be judged, not by his own character and actions, but by the characters and actions of a collective of ancestors.” The racist approach consists of declaring that an individual’s own thoughts and choices are irrelevant; all that matters, to the racist, is a person’s membership in a racial group.
Racism, as a philosophical and legal issue, comes down to one basic question: Is justice collective, i.e., should a person be judged by his
race
—or is justice individual, i.e., should a person be judged on his own merits.
By this standard, how do reparations for slavery measure up?
Let us examine the attempt to seek reparations through the tort laws. The purpose of tort law is to provide compensation to persons who have been unjustly harmed, to be paid by those persons who are responsible for the harm. To have a legitimate case for reparations, one must first identify an individual who has been directly, provably harmed—and then one must identify an individual who is directly, provably responsible for that harm.
Yet that is precisely what cannot be done in this case. Every individual slave and every individual slaveholder is long dead. There is no person living who can be a party to a lawsuit seeking reparations for slavery—and there is no individual still alive who can be brought before the court and named as the defendant.
This, incidentally, is a crucial difference between reparations for slavery and reparations for Japanese-Americans who were interned during World War II, or Jews whose assets were stolen during the Holocaust. In both of those cases, victims of the injustice were still alive and able to seek compensation, although in some cases compensation for stolen wealth was also awarded to the direct, first-generation descendants of victims who had died.
The case of slavery, however, is fundamentally different. It is an attempt to extend liability, not merely one generation, but through multiple generations, into the indefinite past.

The Victims of Slavery Are Dead
The absurdity of this attempt is captured in a single sentence from a news report on this issue, which describes “a growing number of slave descendants who are calling for the US government to repay them for 246 years of bondage.” The absurdity is that these people cannot be “re-paid” for 246 years of bondage, because they did not experience that bondage. The people who are demanding reparations have never been slaves. Moreover, their parents were not slaves, and, except in a few extraordinary cases, their grandparents were not slaves. In a normal case, we have to look back at least four to five generations to find ancestors who were actually slaves.
So those who are alive today, who are seeking reparations for slavery, are not in any way the direct victims of slavery. Their connection to the people who actually were slaves is long and remote, traced through more than a century of parents and grandparents who were free to make their own choices, guide their own actions, and pursue their own fortunes. This intervening history makes it impossible to determine objectively the degree or even the existence of slavery’s effect on current-day descendants of slaves.
As a parallel example, consider the tens of millions of Americans who are descended from
immigrants
who came to the country about a century ago. Many of these immigrants came to America with no money, no
education
, no specialized skills, and no knowledge of the English language. Many, such as Eastern European Jews, had been victims of persecution in their native lands. Yet most of these immigrants worked to pull themselves out of
poverty
, their children were able to rise into the middle class, their grandchildren attended college—and today, we do not talk about the “lingering legacy of immigration,” nor do descendants of immigrants seek reparations for the past persecution of their ancestors. After three or four generations, it is clear that the choices and actions of individuals have had a far greater impact on their well-being than the past condition of their ancestors.
It is important to recognize that the history of blacks in America is not fundamentally different. In the century after slavery—despite legal
segregation
and the continued influence of racism—black Americans improved their own condition by every measure.
Labor force
participation rates for blacks were usually higher than for
whites
, and as a result black poverty rates dropped consistently over the entire century. Other economic and cultural ills were largely absent within a few decades after slavery’s end: Black crime rates were no higher than for other groups, and
illegitimacy
rates were well below 20%. The work and effort of former slaves and their immediate descendants in the century after 1865 largely overcame the injuries suffered by their ancestors.

Expansion of the Welfare State
Incidentally, this gives the lie to the claim that poverty,
unemployment
, crime, and illegitimacy are the “legacy of slavery.” Every one of these ills became epidemic only after 1960. It was after the creation of the “Great Society” welfare programs, with their perverse incentives against work and
marriage
, and the passage of the
Civil Rights Act of 1964
, which laid the legal foundation for racial preferences, that black crime and illegitimacy rates soared, labor
force
participation dropped, and poverty rates froze. It is significant that reparations advocates, almost without exception, seek to expand the welfare state. In blaming slavery for every problem faced by black Americans, they are trying to divert attention from the disastrous legacy of welfare and ”
affirmative action
.”
This history shows the absurdity of the claim that people living today are entitled to compensation for injuries suffered by their ancestors in the indefinite past. Instead, it shows that individuals are capable of taking responsibility for improving their own lives—and indeed, that they fail to progress only when they are convinced not to accept that responsibility.
So much for the plaintiff’s side of the equation. What about the defendant? Is there anyone alive today who may legitimately be punished for the injustices of slavery? How, for example, can a white American today be fined for an injustice that might have been committed by his great-great-grandfather?
The problem is compounded by the fact that the majority of Americans do not descend from slaveholders; their ancestors were either from the non-slaveholding North, or they were immigrants who came to America after the end of slavery. But even if we can find someone of pure slaveholding stock, as it were, someone whose ancestors were all guilty of the crime of slavery—how can we hold that person, today, responsible for actions taken more than a century ago by his forebears? To do so, we would have to judge this person—to quote Ayn Rand, “not by his own character and actions, but by the characters and actions of a collective of ancestors.” Yet that is the very essence of racism.
Reparations advocates have offered no answer—literally none—to this argument. The response of Representative John Conyers, who has been promoting reparations in Congress, is typical: “This is not a blame game. We are not looking for who did it or how evil were their motives. Payment is not going to come from who did it. The government assumes responsibility.” In other words, Conyers attempts to evade the issue by pretending that “the government”—and not the individuals who pay taxes—will foot the bill.

Are Government and Corporations Responsible?
In that spirit, the proposed reparations suits would target two kinds of legal entities that are still “alive” from the days of slavery: the government and those corporations that have been in continuous existence since before 1865. Remember that reparations advocates still have not identified someone with standing to sue, so there is still no proper plaintiff. But they argue that we do have a defendant, that the federal government and private corporations can be held culpable for the evils of slavery.
Let us consider the federal government first.
Seeking compensation from the
United States
government evades the fact that the federal government has already paid an enormous cost to end slavery by fighting the Civil War. Even if we do not count the cost in human lives, which was enormous, we can at least count the cost in dollars. The Civil War cost the US government about $15 billion—an astronomical sum in 1865, equivalent to hundreds of billions of dollars today. Adding 135 years of compound interest— a typical technique used to calculate demands for reparations—the federal government’s cost rises to trillions of dollars in current value.
More fundamentally, however, the federal government has no funds of its own, no cache of savings left over from, say, taxes on cotton. All of the government’s money is extracted from today’s taxpayers. The government is merely a middleman who would pass the cost for reparations on to the taxpayers. That leaves us where we began: the manifest injustice of punishing people for the crimes committed by some of their distant ancestors.
Now let us turn to the second proposed defendant: corporations.
The proposed reparations suits would target a few long-lived corporations which at one time used
slave labor
or profited indirectly from slavery. On this basis, the proposed suits would lay claim to some significant portion of the current assets of these corporations. Early [in 2001], for example, the state of
California
passed a law requiring every insurance company that does business in California—which includes every major American insurance company—to disclose whether it once offered “slave insurance,” insurance offered to protect slave-owners against financial losses from the
death
or escape of a slave. The law was clearly designed to aid in building a reparations case against these corporations.

The Case Cannot Be Proven
Such lawsuits, however, face a fundamental barrier: How would one prove that the current assets or profits of a corporation are caused by profits made more than 135 years ago under slavery? Consider the following example.
The first major insurance company to comply with the California law was Aetna, which has been in existence since the 1840s. A search of Aetna’s records revealed a total of five slave insurance policies. That is a minuscule amount for a major insurance company. But also reflect on what has happened since. Aetna, for example, was reorganized in the late 1860s, radically changed its practices to weather a series of economic depressions in the 1870s, and went on to survive through wars, through the Great Depression, and through every economic event that has occurred since.
It is obvious that after 135 years of ups and downs, during which time fortunes have risen and fallen, thousands of new companies have been formed, thousands of old ones have gone out of existence, and the nation’s economy has been radically transformed twice, first by heavy industry, then by information technology—after all of this time, any profits once gained from slavery have been rendered irrelevant.
A tort claim that attempts to trace a portion of a company’s profits from 135 years ago to its assets today is arbitrary and unreasonable. It is like the claim that the flapping of a butterfly’s wings in the Amazon causes a hurricane in the Northern Atlantic. It is, in principle, unprovable.
More fundamentally, any such unlimited liability subjects the current stockholders of a company to the arbitrary and unpredictable expropriation of their wealth. If the current owners of an asset may be punished without limit for the wrongs committed by its past owners, then no one could ever hold clear title to a single piece of property or share of stock.
In all such cases, the principle of individual justice demands a
statute of limitations
. As a precedent, consider the common practice of corporations making 99-year contracts, signing 99-year leases, issuing 99-year bonds. This common-law custom means that, although a corporation may continue to exist for many centuries, no legal agreement can extend beyond a single century, because no one who was old enough to be legally responsible at the time the agreement was made will still be alive 99 years later. The underlying premise is that no legal agreement can be binding on future generations in perpetuity. There has to be limit, a cutoff beyond which new generations cannot be bound by the promises and agreements of their ancestors.

Liability Cannot Be Unlimited
The same truth applies to liability. There has to be a cutoff beyond which the current owners of corporations and estates cannot be held responsible, in perpetuity, for the deeds of their predecessors—including the crime of slavery.
There is only one approach under which such unlimited ancestral liability appears to make sense. The only way to extend past grievances indefinitely to future generations is to throw out any concern with punishing or compensating specific individuals. Reparations only makes sense if we focus, not on individuals, but on racial groups. Reparations require that we hold all whites today responsible for what other whites did 135 years ago—and that we compensate all blacks today for what happened to other blacks before 1865. To do this, we have to regard each individual as just an interchangeable cog in his racial group.
From an individualist perspective, there is neither a proper plaintiff nor a proper defendant in this suit. To reparations advocates, however, these parties are easy to identify—so long as one agrees to abandon individual justice and herd mankind into racial collectives. From this perspective of racial collectivism, the plaintiff in this case is “black America,” which is seeking compensation from the defendant, “white America.”
Some reparations advocates openly acknowledge this collectivist approach. Tulane University Professor Robert Westley notes that the demand for reparations is the result of a “sea-change … regarding the proper evaluation of the anti-racist agenda set by the
Civil Rights Movement
” which “relied on the rhetoric of
equality
rights.” Westley goes on to say—correctly—that this “liberal legal framework” and its notion of equal rights is the primary barrier to reparations—which he says must be overcome. In a truly Orwellian1 climax, he quotes the work of Professor Thomas Pettigrew, who defines “the new racism” to include “individualistic conceptions of how opportunity and social stratification operate in American society.” In other words, individualism is racism. Westley attempts to wipe out the concept of individual justice, establishing racial collectivism as the only basis for morality and law.

Reparations Would Not Help Heal the Wounds of Slavery
This gives the lie to the claim that reparations will “heal the wounds” of slavery and racism. Reparations would do the opposite: they would promote a collectivist, racial concept of justice. The philosophical perspective behind reparations encourages men to look on their fellows, not as individuals with their own independent characters and merits, but only as members of some competing, antagonistic racial collective.
Rather than healing historical wounds, this is an approach that is guaranteed to keep those wounds open forever.
For an example, look no farther than the current bloodbath in the Balkans. This conflict can be traced back to grievances more than 600 years old. The Field of the Blackbirds, for example, is a battlefield in Kosovo where a Serbian army was defeated by the Ottoman Turks in the year 1389. This sounds like ancient history to us—but not to the Serbs. For them, the Field of the Blackbirds represents their tribe’s history of suffering and oppression.
To the Serbs, it does not matter that everyone who fought in the battle is long dead or that the political entities they fought for dissolved centuries ago. The Serbs cling to the memory of this battle because it is part of the history of their ethnic group. It does not matter which individuals were involved or whether they are still alive—because the racial collective, in this view, lives on. And in the name of this racial collective, the Serbs are still fighting the same battle against the same rival tribes.
The Field of the Blackbirds is an eloquent symbol of a certain kind of mentality, a way of thinking that is taking hold in America and threatens to plunge us into the same kind of ethnic warfare that is currently laying waste to the former Yugoslavia.
America’s Field of the Blackbirds is slavery.
If you want to project the kind of racial conflict that slavery is being used to justify, consider the demands made by reparations advocates. What do they regard as adequate compensation for their ancestors’ enslavement?
The bidding starts at $1.4 trillion. One organization asks for $6 trillion, enough to give $20,000 in cash to every single black American—though an activist who promotes this figure describes it as a bare minimum “pittance.” Georgetown University Professor Richard America claims that reparations should he as high as $10 trillion. Time magazine columnist Jack White doubles the
damages
for pain and suffering, adds compound interest, and arrives at a figure of $24 trillion. Either as part of these reparations, or in addition to them, activists also demand such special favors as free college education for all American blacks.

Blacks Would Become the Favored Class
For reference, the gross domestic product of the United States—the total annual output of our entire economy—is about $8 trillion. It is obvious that meeting a demand for 10 to 24 trillion dollars in reparations would require massive, systematic expropriation of wealth from whites. Jack White, who suggested the $24 trillion figure, suggests that it be paid over a period of 250 years in the form of subsidies and special favors for blacks. The time frame is no coincidence. In effect, White seeks to redress slavery—250 years in which blacks were an oppressed class forced to provide unpaid labor—with 250 years in which blacks can be a favored class, living off the unpaid labor of others.
In this light, the motive of reparations advocates becomes clear. They do not seek a measured compensation for some specific, provable harm. They seek to use their group’s past history of slavery as a license to enslave others.
Most advocates do not seem to believe that this goal can be achieved either through Congress or the courts. Perversely, that seems to be part of the attraction of the reparations movement. By making a claim to racial “justice” so outrageously unjust that it will never be granted by “white America,” reparations advocates are deliberately setting an unachievable goal. The motive: As US Representative Bobby Rush threatens, “The future of
race relations
will be determined by reparations for slavery.” The demand for reparations, if it is accepted by a majority of blacks, would disfigure American race relations with an un-salvable open sore—a perpetual, ineradicable basis for future racial grievance.
This is the manner in which the campaign for reparations is pushing America in the same direction as the former Yugoslavia. Reparation advocates claim that they want to achieve their aims in the courts, under the civilized cover of legal arguments and procedures. But they are promoting the same philosophy that sent the Serbs into the streets with guns—and that philosophy is every bit as dangerous to Americans, both black and white, as it was to the people of every ethnic background who used to coexist in Yugoslavia.

Tracinski, Robert. “The Fight for African American Slavery Reparations Impedes the Advancement of Civil Rights.” Civil Rights, edited by Karen F. Balkin, Greenhaven Press, 2004. Current Controversies. Opposing Viewpoints In Context,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/EJ3010269220/OVIC?u=mcc_phoe&sid=OVIC&xid=a6c7167f
.
Summary
Robert Tracinski confesses civil rights is negatively affected by the people seeking reparations for slavery. Reparations would keep a nation racially divided even more than before because it is basically pitting black and white people against each other, because this is saying one whole group of people is responsible for the other group’s racial injustice all together. He insists there is no way of telling who is responsible for slavery and who is liable to pay reparations. Tracinski also claims it would be difficult to prove the case to receive reparations in that any beneficiaries of slavery are no longer alive today.
He also believes it is important to understand that the victims of slavery should be the only ones allowed reparations for slavery and not the next three generations.
Evaluate
Tracinski seems not to be biased he acknowledges racial tension but he believes reparations is the wrong type of settlement, But he also ever states in his article opposing viewpoints. He believes there are other means to provide racial justice than giving money to a generation that was not directly affected by slavery.

__MACOSX/._Tracinski, Robert x

Guezo, Allen C. 2 x
Villareal
Joe Villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
07 February 2018
Annotated Article Guelzo
Should blacks get reparations?

The Christian Science Monitor
. (July 16, 2009)
COPYRIGHT 2009 The Christian Science Publishing Society
From Global Issues in Context.

Listen

__MACOSX/._Guezo, Allen C. 2 x

Guezo, Allen C. 3 x
Villareal
Joe Villareal
Professor Pineda
English 102
07 February 2018
Annotated Article Guelzo
Should blacks get reparations?

The Christian Science Monitor
. (July 16, 2009)
COPYRIGHT 2009 The Christian Science Publishing Society
From Global Issues in Context.

Listen

__MACOSX/._Guezo, Allen C. 3 x

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