Evaluate your community and identify types of social work micro practice settings. Then, prepare a written analysis addressing the following:

· Examine the specific issues faced by individuals and families in your community.

· Investigate how social workers address social problems faced by individuals and family units.

· Provide examples to support your findings and indicate which tasks are key skills social workers must possess to work with these unique populations.

Support your assignment with at least three scholarly resources. In addition to these specified resources, other appropriate scholarly resources, including seminal articles, may be included.

Length: 5-6 pages, not including title and reference pages

Evaluate your community and identify types of social work micro practice settings. Then, prepare a written analysis addressing the following:

· Examine the specific issues faced by individuals and families in your community.

· Investigate how social workers address social problems faced by individuals and family units.

· Provide examples to support your findings and indicate which tasks are key skills social workers must possess to work with these unique populations.

Support your assignment with at least three scholarly resources. In addition to these specified resources, other appropriate scholarly resources, including seminal articles, may be included.

Length: 5-7 pages, not including title and reference pages

Your assignment should demonstrate thoughtful consideration of the ideas and concepts presented in the course by providing new thoughts and insights relating directly to this topic. Your response should reflect graduate-level writing and APA standards. Be sure to adhere to Northcentral University’s Academic Integrity Policy.

Upload your document, and then click Submit to Dropbox button.

Journal of Social Work

13(6) 563–581

! The Author(s) 2012

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DOI: 10.1177/1468017311435866

jsw.sagepub.com

Article

Effectiveness of
micro- and macro-level
intervention at times
of economic crisis

Ayelet Makaros and Haya Itzhaky
Bar-Ilan University, Israel

Abstract

� Summary: The aim of the study was to examine perceptions of micro- and macro-level

role effectiveness and the factors that contribute to those perceptions among social

workers in rural communities that are undergoing an economic crisis. We also

examined the correlations between these perceptions and various components of

social workers’ role behavior, as well as social workers’ sense of empowerment and

personal characteristics. This was a quantitative study, which was conducted among a

sample of 149 social workers in Israel.

� Findings: The contribution of components of role behavior to enhancing social

workers’ levels of perceived role effectiveness was highest, whereas sense of empower-

ment and personal variables contributed less. Moreover, information gathering contrib-

uted to perceptions of effectiveness at both the micro- and macro-levels, whereas

guidance and community roles contributed to perceived effectiveness only at the

macro-level.

� Applications: The contribution of the study lies in the identification of social workers’

roles at times of economic crisis. Moreover, the findings highlight the importance of

investing in empowerment of social workers. We believe the results can be generalized

to other communities in crisis.

Keywords

Social work, effectiveness, empowerment, micro, macro, role behavior, social worker

Corresponding author:

Ayelet Makaros, School of Social Work, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat-Gan 52900, Israel.

Email: makaros-bi1@biu.013.net.il

http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1177%2F1468017311435866&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2012-03-20

In light of far-reaching developments over the past few decades, communities and
organizations around the world have had to adopt new perspectives and patterns of
action (Heifetz & Laurie, 1997). The situation of rural communities in Israel is a
case in point, which reflects the major changes that have taken place in Israeli
society, and can provide a basis for examining how social workers deal with
large-scale changes at the macro-level. The first change that has taken place in
these communities is a dramatic ideological and moral change, that is, a transition
from a socialistic perception which endorses equality, mutual responsibility, and
helping individuals to a competitive perception that emphasizes individualism,
personal freedom, and self-realization. The second change has taken place in the
economic domain. This change was affected by the economic crisis that took place
in the 1980s in Israel and in the rest of the world (Rosner & Getz, 1996). Moshavim
and kibbutzim invested large sums of money in industry and agriculture without
any justification. They took loans that incurred a debt amounting 400 percent per
annum. In addition, they invested in stock market securities and sustained sub-
stantial losses with the collapse of bank shares in 1983 (Rosner & Getz, 1996).
Because the Israeli government was not willing to cover these debts, the commu-
nities that had organized unions and managed individual finances collapsed. This
led to an economic crisis in the communities as a whole and among individual
members of those communities (Pavin, 2003). This situation generated further
social crises, which also resulted in a desire for privatization and led to changes
in the rural communities (Rosner & Getz, 1996). In that context, there has been a
major trend toward privatization of services in an attempt to introduce economic
improvements and reforms in rural communities.

The third change has been a transition from reliance on informal, community-
based support to formal, institutional, external support (Horowitz & Rosenthal,
1994; Rounds, 1988; Wilson, Edwards, Alston, Harley, & Doughty, 2002;
Wodarski, 1983). Whereas assistance was once provided by various community
organizations, residents of rural communities have been forced to deal with
formal, bureaucratic procedures in order to receive municipal services and assis-
tance (Almaliah, 2009; Shapiro, 2010; Sheaffer, Yeheskel, & Ganzach, 2002).
In light of these changes, social workers have also had to alter their intervention
methods.

The present study examined role effectiveness among social workers in rural
communities at times of economic crisis. In that context, we focused on new
tasks assigned to those workers following processes of change in their work envir-
onment. The study is relevant to communities undergoing various social and eco-
nomic transitions, and emphasizes the potential role of social workers in these
processes. Toward that end, we examined the contribution of three sets of variables
to the social workers’ perceptions of their role effectiveness in professional inter-
vention: demographic variables, sense of personal and group empowerment, and
components of role behavior (community roles, representation and mediation,

564 Journal of Social Work 13(6)

information gathering, and training). The findings of previous studies have
revealed that the contribution of empowerment to measures of role effectiveness
is not only direct, and that it can be even greater when empowerment interacts with
other variables (Itzhaky, 2003; Lipschitz-Elhawi, 2004).

Effectiveness

In the field of social work, effectiveness is a multidimensional concept, for which
there is no universally accepted definition (Jenkins, 1987). Cameron (1986) main-
tained that although the definition of effectiveness in the literature is vague, it is a
central concept in the organizational sciences, and it must be addressed from a
theoretical perspective. In Cameron’s view, because the concept is so complex,
researchers can only agree that there is disagreement on issues relating to effective-
ness. The literature emphasizes the need for additional research on topic, especially
at the macro level (Combs, Cain, & Wilson, 2004; Itzhaky & Dekel, 2005; Mizrahi,
1992; Newman & Roberts, 1997). According to one approach, effectiveness in
social work relates to the aspiration to ensure the best results for the target popula-
tion (Cox & Amsters, 2002), based on the pre-defined goals (Cramer, Mueller,
& Harrop, 2003; Schutz, 2007). However, another approach relates to evaluation
of the process: evaluation of activities, methods, and tools that are used to achieve
results (Itzhaky & Dekel, 2005). According to the literature, effectiveness in social
work can be examined on two levels: the micro-level, which includes clinical inter-
ventions such as diagnosis and treatment of problems, as well as helping indivi-
duals identify their strengths (Gorey, Thyer, & Pawluck, 1998; Itzhaky & Dekel,
2005); and the macro-level, which includes tasks such as grassroots policy-making,
social action, planning, and organizing groups (Itzhaky, 2003; Itzhaky & York,
1991). Hence, some researchers have highlighted the importance of examining
effectiveness at both the micro- and the macro-levels (Gorey et al., 1998; Itzhaky
& Dekel, 2008). In the present study, an intervention was conducted in an attempt
to promote the development of an entire community. However, because the inter-
vention also contributed to the members of that community as individuals, its
effectiveness was examined at both the macro- and micro-levels. Examination of
effectiveness can be measured from various perspectives, such as: the workers, the
clients, and the service providers. In this article, perceived effectiveness was exam-
ined on the basis of the workers themselves.

Role behavior

Expectations regarding the professional role of social workers derive from the
legal definition of social work as an occupation that aims to improve the
personal and social functioning of the individual, family, and community by
means of treatment, rehabilitation, counseling, and training (National
Association of Social Workers, 2009). Various researchers have discussed the
social worker’s role (Itzhaky, 1994; Koeske, Lichtenwalter, & Koeske, 2005;

Makaros and Itzhaky 565

Miley, O’Melia, & DuBois, 1998; Weiss-Gal, 2007), but all of them have
defined that role in terms of its components, which include different tasks.
The main components of the social worker’s role are therapy, diagnosis,
mediation, training, supervision, initiative, advocacy, organization, and
development. Within rural communities, the social worker’s role has been
defined as including three levels: the individual, the group, and the organiza-
tion (Itzhaky, 2003). Nitzan and Vered (1991) also included micro-level roles
such as individual and family treatment, as well as macro-level roles such as
training and supervision of service providers and counseling for committee
members.

The present study focused on four main roles of the social worker: a) community
roles – including organization and supervision of various groups in the community,
as well as development of programs, and changing regulations and policies within
and outside the community; b) representation and mediation – including represen-
tation of clients vis-à-vis service agencies, and mediation between community mem-
bers and service agencies; c) information gathering roles – including identification
of social problems, and gathering information on community issues and services;
and d) training roles – including training, supervision, and counseling of commu-
nity service providers. The present study examined the social workers’ roles based
on the frequency of performance of different tasks associated with each of those
roles.

Only a few studies have explored the relationship between role behavior and
perceptions of the effectiveness of interventions. Those studies have focused mainly
on the relationship between specific macro-level tasks and effectiveness, but have
not addressed all aspects of the social worker’s role (Bale, 2002; Schnake, 1991).
For example, Schnake (1991) examined cooperation between social workers and
their colleagues, and Bale (2002) examined cooperation between social workers and
professionals in other disciplines. The results of those studies indicate that the
components of cooperation increase the exchange of information within and out-
side of the organization, and contribute to macro-level effectiveness. To the best of
our knowledge, no other studies have revealed a clear relationship between other
role components and macro-level effectiveness, nor have relationships been
revealed between role components and micro-level effectiveness. In an attempt to
fill that gap, the current study aimed to examine the relationship between social
workers’ role behavior (community roles, representation and mediation, gathering
information, and training) and their perceptions of their effectiveness at both the
micro- and macro-levels.

Empowerment

Empowerment is not a personality trait, but a system of cognitions that take form
in a given work environment (Thomas & Velthouse, 1990). It is defined on a
continuum, which ranges from more empowerment at one end to less empower-
ment at the other. Thus, it is assumed that people neither completely lack nor

566 Journal of Social Work 13(6)

completely possess empowerment (Spreitzer, 1995). Thomas and Velthouse (1990)
viewed empowerment as a multidimensional concept, which was measured by
means of four criteria: the meaning of work, worker’s ability, self-determinism,
and impact on results at work.

According to Frans (1993), the social worker’s sense of empowerment is based
on five components: a) positive self-perception, that is, a sense of self-validation
and self-esteem; b) critical awareness regarding the worker’s position within
broader systems, such as the family, the organization, or society; c) control of
knowledge and skills, that is, the individual’s ability to influence events in his or
her life or in the lives of others; d) a natural tendency to act, that is, the power to
initiate effective action for one’s own benefit or for the benefit of others; and e) a
sense of collective identity, that is, a sense that one is part of a social group or
system where goals, resources, and values can be shared.

Research findings have revealed a positive correlation between professionals’
sense of empowerment and their perceptions of role effectiveness (Butler, 1994;
Cummings, 1997; D’Haene, 1995; Duckett & Fryer, 1998; Dveirin & Adams,
1993; Frans, 1993; Johnson & Mcintye, 1998; Neeman, 1995; Pryor, 1992; Sarri
& Sarri, 1992; Spreitzer, Kizilos, & Nason, 1997; Van-Ruy & Heaney, 1997;
Wiatrowski & Campoverde, 1996). Existing research has also revealed that perso-
nal empowerment (e.g. positive self-perception, self-awareness, control of knowl-
edge and skills, and a natural inclination to act) as well as group empowerment
(e.g. a sense of collective identity) significantly affect the nature of the changes and
the effectiveness of micro-level role behavior in situations such as crisis, anxiety,
sense of instability, and uncertainty (Dench, 2002; Kauff, 2002; McCallum, Arnold,
& Bolland, 2002). Regarding the macro-level, Itzhaky (2003) and Dobri (2001)
found that empowerment only contributes significantly to role effectiveness when
it interacts with demographic variables at the micro- and macro-levels.

Based on the literature reviewed above, the present study examined the contri-
bution of personal and group empowerment to social workers’ perceptions of their
role effectiveness. Research has shown that sometimes empowerment does not
influence effectiveness directly, but emerges through demographic variables.
Therefore, it is also important to examine the impact of the interaction between
empowerment and demographic variables on effectiveness.

Demographic variables (job seniority, full- or part-time employment, and
marital status)

The research literature indicates that perceptions of the effectiveness of a given
process are influenced by the demographic variables of those who generate that
process. Job seniority (years of service in the organization), marital status, and
extent of employment (full- or part-time) have been found to correlate with workers’
perceptions of the effectiveness of the process they generate (Kim, 1996; Koberg,
Boss, Senjem, & Goodman, 1999; Schneider, 1987; Thompson & Marley, 1999).
Koberg et al. (1999) and Schneider (1987) found a negative correlation between

Makaros and Itzhaky 567

social workers’ job seniority and their perceptions of the effectiveness of client
participation: the higher their job seniority, the lower the effectiveness of client
participation. In a study that examined the effectiveness of Australian social
workers in different processes, Long and Lamb (2002) found differences between
full-time and part-time workers. Those who worked full time were found to be
more effective in their work than those who worked part time. Friedman (2001)
reported a similar tendency among community coordinators: those who worked
full time were more effective in their relationships with schools than those who
worked half time.

Based on the theoretical review, the present study examined the contribution of
role behavior, sense of personal and group empowerment, and demographic vari-
ables to perceived role effectiveness at the micro- and macro-levels among social
workers in rural communities.

Method

Sample

The participants in the study were 149 social workers who worked in social service
departments in rural communities throughout Israel. These workers comprised 90
percent of all social workers in rural communities (collective moshavim and kib-
butzim) in Israel. In those communities, all of the profits of individuals are depos-
ited into the collective budget of the community, and do not reach individuals.

Of the participants in the sample, 140 (94%) were women, and most of them
(70.2%) were aged 31–50; 123 (84.2%) were married, and only 22 were unmarried;
142 (95.3%) were not religious, whereas only six were traditional or religious; 132
of the workers (89.2%) lived in rural communities, and the rest resided in cities.
Eighty-six of the workers (58%) had Bachelor’s degrees, and 61 (42%) had
Master’s degrees. About one-third (30.3%) had been employed in the field of
social work for more than 15 years. More than half (55.9%) had less than five
years of experience working in the rural sector, and over half (55.5%) reported that
they had not received any specific training in community work. As for hours of
work per week, 56.3 percent of the social workers worked full time, 31.3 percent
worked a three-quarter shift, and 11.8 percent worked half time. No differences
were found between the workers in kibbutzim and collective moshavim.

Instruments

Demographic variables. A questionnaire was administered to obtain demographic
data about the social workers, including job seniority (years of service in the
organization), full- or part-time employment, and marital status.

Effectiveness. A questionnaire developed by Itzhaky (2003) was used to measure
perceived effectiveness. Participants were asked to indicate the extent to which

568 Journal of Social Work 13(6)

they feel they have accomplished their goals at the micro level (identification of
problems, therapy, mediation between clients and the system, and help in identifying
strengths), as well as at the macro-level (policy-making, planning activities, imple-
mentation of community-related programs, and organizing groups). Responses to
each of the above-mentioned components of effectiveness were based on a five-point
scale ranging from 1 (very low effectiveness) to 5 (very high effectiveness).
The Cronbach’s alpha reliability of the questionnaire in the present study was .84
for the micro-level items, and .87 for the macro-level items. This instrument was
validated by Itzhaky and Dekel (2005). In their study, the Cronbach’s alpha values
were .82 for micro-level roles, and .86 for macro-level roles.

Role behavior. The questionnaire was developed by Itzhaky (2003), and included 39
items which reflect tasks that characterize the social worker’s role. In keeping
with the focus of the present study, the researchers selected only the tasks that
relate to change in the community. Although micro-level roles focused on dealing
with the crisis, they were eliminated from the questionnaire because the partici-
pants ranked the frequency of those tasks as very high (5), and the variance was
not sufficient to conduct statistical analyses. Examination of the means and
standard deviations for performance of roles (1–5) revealed that the social work-
ers performed clinical tasks more frequently (M¼ .4.66, SD¼ .79) than commu-
nity tasks (M¼ .2.01, SD¼ .76).

Consequently, 21 tasks were used to measure the participants’ perceptions of
their role behavior. Participants were asked to evaluate how frequently they per-
form each task, on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (rarely), to 5 (at least once a
week). Based on principal component factor analysis, the items were divided into
four factors, where Eigenvalue of each factor was greater than 1. These four factors
explained 57.8 percent of the variance in the role behavior variables. The loadings
of the 21 items on the four factors are presented in Table 1.

The first factor included nine tasks relating to the social worker’s community
roles, and their loading was greater than .46. The second factor included six tasks
relating to representation and mediation, and their loading was greater than .60.
The third factor included three tasks related to gathering information, and their
loading was greater than .64. The fourth factor included three tasks, involving
training, and their loading was over .80. Four overall scores were derived from
the mean scores on each of the four factors.

Sense of empowerment. A questionnaire developed by Frans (1993) was used in this
study to evaluate the participants’ sense of empowerment. The instrument con-
sisted of 34 items, which measure the following five components of personal and
group empowerment: knowledge and skills; collective identity; critical awareness;
self-perception; and natural tendency to act. Responses were based on a five-point
scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree), to 5 (strongly disagree). Gerber (2002) and
Bustin (2002) conducted a higher order factor analysis, and divided the five com-
ponents of empowerment in the original questionnaire into two domains: group

Makaros and Itzhaky 569

identity, and personal empowerment. The Cronbach’s alpha reliability of the ques-
tionnaire in each of those studies was .91.

Procedure

One hundred and sixty questionnaires were distributed in all of the social service
departments in moshavim and kibbutzim that employ at least three social workers.
This procedure was adopted, because in social service departments with less than
three social workers, the assistance provided in the crisis was not planned or
organized – in contrast to the departments with at least three social workers.
Notably, there were only four localities with less than three social workers.

Eleven of the social workers selected for the sample refused to complete the
questionnaire, so that a total of 149 questionnaires were completed (an 88%

Table 1. Factor loading of role behavior tasks

Task

Factor

1 2 3 4

Organization and establishment of population groups .80

Supervision of self-help groups .79

Development of general programs in community .70

Organizing community members to generate change

in regulations and policy within and outside of the community

.67

Activation and inclusion of community members in

community activities

.65

Planning new services in the community .63

Mediation among service providers .60

Influencing services or individuals .47

Teamwork regarding community problems .46

Representation of clients to service agencies .79

Program management .71

Development of community initiatives .71

Development of region-wide programs .66

Mediation between community members and services .61

Helping people utilize services .60

Identification of social problems .79

Gathering information on community issues .75

Gathering information on services in community .64

Training and supervision of service providers .84

Supervision and counseling of clients .83

Referral of clients to other agencies .80

570 Journal of Social Work 13(6)

response rate). The researchers distributed questionnaires to the social workers at
department staff meetings, and collected them at the end of the meetings.

Results

To examine the contribution of the research variables (role behavior, sense of
empowerment, and demographic variables) to explaining the variance in role effec-
tiveness at the micro- and macro-levels, we performed stepwise hierarchical regres-
sion analyses. In the first step, three demographic variables (job seniority, marital
status, and full-/part-time employment) were entered. In the second step, the
dimensions of empowerment (personal empowerment and group empowerment)
and the interactions between those and demographic variables were added. In the

Table 2. Hierarchical regression of the explanation of variance in perception of effectiveness

Predictors b B SEB R2

Micro-level effectiveness

First step .07**

Job seniority 21* �.01 .01

Extent of employment .20* .13 .06

Second step .12***

Job seniority �.21* �.01 .01

Extent of employment .11 .07 .06

Personal empowerment .24** .25 .09

Third step .28***

Job seniority �.15* �.01 .01

Extent of employment .14* .09 .06

Personal empowerment .13 .14 .09

Information role behavior .17* .14 .06

Macro-level effectiveness

Second step .08**

Personal empowerment .21* .25 .10

Group empowerment x family status �.18* �.12 .06

Third step .28***

Personal empowerment .13* .15 .09

Group empowerment x family status �.15* �.10 .05

Training role behavior .27** .16 .05

Information role behavior .22** .13 .05

Community role behavior .15* .11 .06

*p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.

Makaros and Itzhaky 571

third step, the role behavior variables were added. The results of the regression
analyses are presented in Table 2.

According to the hierarchical regression analyses, the independent variables
explained 28 percent of the variance in micro- and macro-level measures of role
effectiveness. The contribution of the demographic variables entered in the first step
to explaining micro-level role effectiveness was minimal (7%). Job seniority con-
tributed negatively to micro-level role effectiveness: the greater the social workers’
job seniority, the lower were their evaluations of micro-level role effectiveness.
Extent of employment contributed positively to micro-level role effectiveness: the
greater the social workers’ extent of employment, the higher their perceptions of
micro-level role effectiveness. The demographic variables did not contribute sig-
nificantly to macro-level role effectiveness.

In the second step of the regression analyses, empowerment added 5 percent to
the explained variance in micro-level role effectiveness, and 8 percent to the
explained variance in macro-level role effectiveness. Personal empowerment pre-
dicted changes in perceived role effectiveness at both the micro- and macro-levels.
The greater the social workers’ sense of personal empowerment, the higher their
perceived micro- and macro-level role effectiveness. In this step, the interaction
between group empowerment and marital status contributed significantly to
macro-level role effectiveness. A high significant correlation was found between
group empowerment and macro-level role effectiveness among the unmarried
social workers (r¼ .57, p< .01), whereas the correlation between those variables among the married social workers was low and insignificant (r¼ .11, p> .05).

In the third step of the regression analyses, the role behavior variables added 16
percent to the explained variance in micro-level role effectiveness, and 20 percent to
the explained variance in macro-level role effectiveness. Information-gathering
roles contributed to both micro- and macro-level role effectiveness, whereas the
performance of training and community roles contributed only to macro-level
effectiveness. The more frequently the participants engaged in these roles, the
higher their evaluations of their macro-level effectiveness.

Discussion

The study aimed to examine the contribution of role behavior, sense of empower-
ment, and demographic variables to social workers’ perceptions of their role effec-
tiveness in micro- and macro-level intervention in rural communities at times of
economic crisis.

Role behavior

The research findings indicate that the components of role behavior contributed
most to the social workers’ perceptions of their role effectiveness, followed by
personal empowerment and demographic variables. The role behavior component
that contributed most to the social workers’ perceptions of effectiveness at both the

572 Journal of Social Work 13(6)

micro- and macro-levels during the period of economic crisis was information
gathering, whereas training and community roles contributed only to macro-level
role effectiveness. In other words, the more the social workers engaged in roles
related to information gathering, the greater was their perceived micro- and macro-
level role effectiveness; the more they performed training and community roles, the
greater was their perceived macro-level role effectiveness.

The finding that information-gathering roles contributed to perceptions of
micro-level role effectiveness might be associated with social, economic, and
ideological changes in rural communities. Among other outcomes, those changes
might have affected the sources of support provided to community members.
Before the changes were introduced in the rural communities, mutual aid
among the members of those communities was the primary source of support.
Afterwards, this source of support declined, and the need for information from
formal, institutionalized sources of support outside of the community increased
(Coward & Smith, 1983). However, it might have been difficult to obtain such
formal support due to lack of knowledge about the rights, procedures, and laws
that characterize bureaucratic processes. Therefore, it is crucial to provide com-
munity members with information about organizations that can offer assistance,
and how such assistance can be obtained (Gibelman, 1999; Tal, 1998; Walz &
Groze, 1991). Thus, the findings of the present study indicate that the social
workers were aware of the community members’ need for this kind of guidance,
and that the performance of information-gathering roles increased their sense of
effectiveness. As for the effectiveness of macro-level roles or system-wide com-
munity intervention, the findings indicate that the social workers’ perceptions of
their role effectiveness were influenced by the extent to which they engaged in
information-gathering, training, and community roles. These findings appear to
reflect the very nature of macro-level intervention, which is directed mainly at
community leadership (Gibelman, 1999; Tal, 1998; Walz & Groze, 1991). In this
aspect of their work, the social workers provided counseling and guidance to the
members of different community committees, and taught them skills that are
necessary for promoting change. Thus, it seems that training and community
roles, which involve imparting skills to community leaders, increased the social
workers’ perceptions of their macro-level effectiveness.

Empowerment

The findings also indicate that the social workers’ sense of personal empowerment
contributed to their micro- and macro-level effectiveness at times of economic
crisis. Thus, the social workers who felt personally empowered ascribed greater
effectiveness to their roles at both the clinical and system-wide levels. Group
empowerment, in contrast, did not contribute directly to any of the dimensions
of effectiveness examined in this study. Rather, there is only indirect evidence of its
contribution, as reflected in the interactions between the social workers’ percep-
tions of their macro-level effectiveness and their marital status: unmarried social

Makaros and Itzhaky 573

workers who reported a sense of group empowerment assessed their macro-level
roles as effective.

A possible explanation for these findings relates to the nature of the two types
of empowerment. Personal empowerment essentially involves a sense of
self-confidence, as well as an ability to promote processes of change and use knowl-
edge. These variables contributed to effective performance of micro-level as well as
macro-level roles. Group empowerment, in comparison, refers to collective identity
and to the sense of belonging to a team. These variables contributed to perceptions
of effectiveness, mainly at the macro-level. With regard to the interaction between
the social workers’ sense of group empowerment and their marital status, it seems
that the unmarried social workers tended to feel more isolated than did their
married counterparts. Perhaps this is why group empowerment, which is based
on common experiences, increased their sense of belonging to the collective.
Through the sense of belonging, the unmarried social workers benefited from
group empowerment more than their married counterparts. This, in turn, increased
their perceived macro-level effectiveness.

The finding that personal empowerment contributed to perceptions of micro-
and macro-level role effectiveness highlights the need to cultivate such empower-
ment among social workers in rural communities. The far-reaching changes that
have taken place in those communities and the increasing reliance on formal insti-
tutional support highlight the need for social workers to acquire new skills that will
enable them to provide appropriate guidance to clients. Those skills include coor-
dination between community members and mediation with organizations that pro-
vide support, as well as acquisition of information (Tal, 1998). Because the changes
may arouse fear and anxiety in workers (Call, 1993; Kirschenblatt, 1996; Laor &
Sackowitz, 1996; Rhinehart, 1992), the more they develop a sense of personal
empowerment, the better able they will be to cope with the situation and perform
their jobs effectively.

Demographic variables

The demographic variables examined in the present study contributed very little to
the participants’ perceptions of micro- and macro-level role effectiveness at times of
economic crisis. Nevertheless, two findings are noteworthy. First, job seniority and
extent of employment contributed to the social workers’ perceptions of their micro-
level role effectiveness: the longer the social workers had been working in the
community, the higher their levels of perceived micro-level role effectiveness
were. Moreover, full-time social workers reported higher levels of role effectiveness
at the micro-level than did those who were employed half time. Regarding job
seniority, it can be assumed that the social workers with low job seniority were
younger than those with high job seniority. Because younger professionals are at
the stage of developing their skills and attitudes, they are generally more flexible,
adaptable, and open to experimentation and new ideas (Woodman, Sawyer, &
Griffin, 1993). Another possible explanation is that social workers with higher

574 Journal of Social Work 13(6)

job seniority are more self-aware and self-critical. Therefore, they have a more
realistic perception of their own effectiveness. This explanation is consistent with
the theory proposed by Byrne (1996) and Harter (1990), who argued that older
people have different levels of self-awareness than younger people. Older people
have multi-dimensional and realistic perspectives than younger people due to their
experiences of disappointment and loss in different areas in life such as employment
and parenthood (Haetzni, 2001).

In the context of change in a rural community, where the social workers faced a
range of new demands, it appears that the younger professionals were better able to
adapt to their roles and therefore reported higher levels of role effectiveness than
did their older colleagues with higher levels of job seniority. These changes in the
rural community, which have implications for social work intervention, might also
explain the finding that hours of work per week contributed to the participants’
perceptions of their role effectiveness. The findings indicate that social workers in
rural communities need to acquire new skills which reflect the changes in their work
environment, such as gathering information about formal support agencies, advo-
cacy, and mediation. Because these activities entail a considerable investment of
energy and time, it appears that full-time workers are able to cope with the chan-
ging role requirements better than part-time workers.

As mentioned, the findings of this study emphasize the contribution of perceived
role effectiveness at the micro-level and not at the macro-level. Notably, commu-
nity and system-wide changes in the work environment were found to have less of
an impact on micro-level roles than macro-level roles. This suggests that the social
workers had more confidence in their ability to perform micro-level roles, and that
they believed they could perform those roles more effectively than macro-level
roles.

Conclusions and recommendations

The research findings indicate that the role behavior variables contributed most to
the social workers’ perceptions of their role effectiveness in the rural community at
times of economic crisis. In this context, the contribution of information gathering
to increasing the effectiveness of intervention at the micro- and macro-levels is most
noteworthy. Evidently, in communities that are subject to social, ideological, and
system-wide influences from outside, the role of gathering information is extremely
important. In our study, this role was found to be especially relevant to helping the
members of the community cope with the transition from informal mutual support
to formal institutional support. The information that social workers provide to
their clients regarding new sources of support and procedures for obtaining assis-
tance, as well as information about rights and obligations can help community
members cope with these changes. Training and community roles, mainly at the
macro-level, were also found to contribute to shaping social workers’ perceptions
of their role effectiveness. In light of these findings, we suggest that intensive work-
shops for social workers in rural communities at times of economic crisis might

Makaros and Itzhaky 575

focus on enhancing their ability to perform information gathering, training, and
community roles.

Furthermore, the finding that personal empowerment contributed to perceptions
of role effectiveness at the micro- and macro-levels highlights the need to focus on
enhancing those resources among social workers. Specifically, it is important for
supervisors to reinforce the social workers’ self-image and self-esteem, as well as to
enhance awareness of their personal abilities. In contrast, group empowerment was
not found to contribute appreciably to perceived role effectiveness, except among
unmarried social workers. We therefore recommend organizing group support ses-
sions aimed at promoting a sense of collective belonging among social workers.

Finally, based on the findings regarding social workers’ demographic variables,
it might be argued that social workers with relatively little job seniority function
better in rural communities at times of economic crisis. Evidently, those workers
find it easier to adapt to changes in their work environment than do more experi-
enced social workers. With regard to professionals who have more extensive experi-
ence working in the community, it would be worthwhile to conduct workshops that
will provide them with information about relevant changes as well as with tools to
cope with these changes. In addition, owing to the need for considerable investment
in professional intervention in rural communities, and in light of the finding that
full-time employment can contribute to the perceived effectiveness of social work-
ers in those contexts, we recommend that professionals in those communities serve
in full-time positions.

A practical limitation of the current study is that the findings relate specifically
to small rural communities in which changes led to a significant loss of community
support and belonging. As mentioned, the study dealt with rural communities in a
situation of economic crisis. Hence, the question is whether these findings only
apply to rural communities in financial crisis, or whether they can be generalized
to community work in other contexts. We argue that macro-intervention is appro-
priate for any crisis, whether the crisis is economic or social, and that it can also be
appropriate for various types of communities. However, it is also important to bear
in mind that this was a preliminary study. Notably, Ben-Tzur (2010) revealed
similar findings in a study conducted among activists supervised by social workers
in urban neighborhoods, where macro-level roles correlated with micro-level and
macro-level effectiveness. However, despite the similarity in these findings there is
still a need to conduct further research on the contribution of the variables exam-
ined in this study to perceived role effectiveness among social workers in various
community contexts such as neighborhood communities, and communities that
have experienced crises.

Research ethics

The request for support to conduct this study was submitted to the Yad Tabenkin
Research and Documentation Center of the Kibbutz Movement. Questionnaires
were sent to the steering committee of Yad Tabenkin, which gave ethical and

576 Journal of Social Work 13(6)

professional approval for the study. We also received approval from each of the
local authorities participating in the study to distribute questionnaires in local
social service departments. Moreover, each of the participants signed an informed
consent form with information about the aims of the study.

Funding

The present article is based on a research project sponsored by Yad Tabenkin, Ramat Efal –
The Research and Documentation Center for the Kibbutz Movement.

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Makaros and Itzhaky 581

From Person-in-Environment to Strengths: The Promise of
Postmodern Practice

Phillip Dybicz

Social work relies heavily on its value base to guide practice; however, there are no conceptual
models—on par with person-in-environment (PIE)—to describe how these values are implemented
within an evidence-based approach. However, the philosophical foundation of empiricism and
positivism that lends PIE its strength also brings with it inherent weaknesses: Namely, empirical
observation cannot produce value judgments, and positivism’s verification of causality cannot
capture the workings of free will. Postmodern thought is uniquely suited to address these short-
comings. Its philosophical foundation of phenomenology and social constructionism speak to a
value-based approach to practice and hold out the promise of engendering conceptual models that
can illustrate these values in action.

The intellectual landscape currently informing social work practice may be described as falling
into two broad areas: modern, scientific thought and postmodern, humanistic thought. Since its
inception in the 1970s (e.g., Germain, 1973), the person-in-environment (PIE) conceptual model
has come to dominate the modern traditional practice of social work. Practice in this vein is
heavily based in science; it emphasizes problem solving and evidence-based approaches.
Beginning in the early 1990s, postmodern thought began to inform social work practice,
resulting in approaches such as the strengths perspective (Saleebey, 1992), narrative therapy
(White & Epston, 1990), and solution-building therapy (De Shazer & Berg, 1992). Practice in
this vein is heavily based in the humanities; it emphasizes consciousness-raising and a value-
based approach.

Using the PIE model as an example of modernist thought guiding social work interven-
tions, the first part of this article will elaborate particular strengths and shortcomings of the
model specifically and then of modernist thought in general. Briefly, the strength that
empiricism brings to bear on validating conceptual models contains the inherent shortcoming
of embracing a value-free stance in the development of these models. In addition, the
strength of positivism in explaining cause-and-effect mechanisms contains the inherent
shortcoming of emphasizing causal determinism when seeking to explain human behavior.

Accepted: August 2013
Phillip Dybicz is assistant professor at Valdosta State University.
Address correspondence to Phillip Dybicz, Department of Social Work, Valdosta State University, Health Science and

Business Administration, Social Work Administrative Suite 2002, 1500 N. Patterson Street, Valdosta, GA 31698, USA. E-mail:
pdybicz@valdosta.edu

Journal of Social Work Education, 51: 237–249, 2015
Copyright © Council on Social Work Education
ISSN: 1043-7797 print / 2163-5811 online
DOI: 10.1080/10437797.2015.1012923

mailto:pdybicz@valdosta.edu

Next, the article will turn toward elaborating particular aspects of postmodern thought and
how it is uniquely positioned to address these inherent shortcomings in applying PIE and
modernist thought.

STRENGTHS AND SHORTCOMINGS OF PIE

Scientific inquiry is built on the philosophical foundations of empiricism and positivism. Each
brings to bear a formidable strength in the development of knowledge; however, inherent in each
of these strengths is a shortcoming. Like two sides of the same coin, the shortcoming arises from
the strength; so the shortcoming can never be sundered from the strength—rather, one can
merely compensate for it. Empiricism embraces a neutral, or value-free, stance when making
observations—relying purely on the sensory input. This provides a strong foundation for claims
of reality as they are based on evidence rather than on mere opinion. Consequently, this evidence
is what informs our conceptual models.

The PIE conceptual model is based on the evidence established in ecological systems theory.
Empirical observations of ecological systems in nature lead to the proposition that organisms
have an interdependent relationship with other organisms in their ecological environment. To
translate the validity of this proposition from ecological systems in nature to ecological systems
in human society, human beings must be viewed in a neutral manner, as being another example
of a bio-psycho-social organism. Science is the study of the natural world—thus to scientifically
study human beings, they must be viewed as existing in nature. And if one views the early
writings of both Germain and Gitterman (1980) and Gordon (1969)—both pioneers in the
development of the PIE model—one is able to see that they liberally use the word organism
to describe human beings to bolster the validity of the model via its comparison to ecological
systems in nature. This scientific stance of viewing human beings as products of nature results in
emphasizing humans’ continuity with animals. We see this dynamic at work with other scientific
theories of human behavior as well; for example, as noted in most human behavior in the social
environment (HBSE) textbooks (e.g., Robbins, Chatterjee, & Canda, 2011; Thyer, Dulmus, &
Sowers, 2012), foundational aspects of behaviorism are built on Pavlov’s experiments on dogs
and Skinner’s experiments on pigeons and rats: as with ecological systems, we can study
animals to learn something about ourselves. However, empiricism’s reliance on pure sensory
observation means that various values we attribute to the human condition—such as the inherent
worth and dignity of the individual—are excluded from scientific understanding and conceptual
models. We must look outside of scientific knowledge for our understanding of values. Thus in
scientific, evidence-based practice, we seek to compensate for this shortcoming through the
adoption of a strong base of social work values based in a philosophy of ethics.

Positivism—through its emphasis on the repeatability of results—serves as the philoso-
phical floor on which claims of cause-and-effect mechanisms are made. This confidence in
the nature of a cause-and-effect mechanism—when applied to human behavior—similarly
carries with it an inherent shortcoming: causal determinism. Science recognizes free will in
human beings, but in the process of describing cause-and-effect mechanisms, science can
never explain human behavior as a reflection of free will. When one states that cause “A”
(e.g., abuse) results in effect “B” in human behavior (e.g., difficulty in forming intimacy),
one is removing free will from this equation. When applied to ecological systems in nature,

238 DYBICZ

cause-and-effect mechanisms translate into attempts at adaptation. Building on empiricism’s
emphasis of humans’ continuity with animals, we are able to translate this theme of
adaptation into ecological systems of human society; goodness-of-fit is the adaptive term
used to describe the harmonious balance sought within the interdependent relationships of
PIE.

Now although science cannot explain the workings of free will, it does recognize its
existence in human beings. As notably recognized by Kant (trans. 1785/1997), reason is the
quality that frees will from ever being a determined effect in human action. The exercise of
free will can serve only as a cause within a cause–effect framework. Adaptation by an
animal within an ecological system in nature predominantly occurs at the genetic level. By
contrast, human beings’ attempts at adaptation within an ecological system occur predomi-
nantly through learning—which stems from the exercise of reason. However, this difference
does not shatter the validity of translating the premises of adaptation and interdependence
from ecological systems of nature to ecological systems of human society established by
emphasizing humans’ continuity with animals. This is because it is a difference in degree,
not kind. Scientifically, it is recognized that some animals possess rudimentary reasoning—
they can problem solve and use tools. But there is a vast chasm separating this rudimentary
use of reasoning from the highly advanced use by human beings. Through first developing
an understanding of various cause-and-effect mechanisms affecting a client’s behavior (via
diagnosing the problem) and then communication of this understanding to the client (via a
treatment plan), the social worker makes an appeal to the client’s reason to promote positive
change.

So the adoption of a strong ethic of social work values and making appeals to the client’s
reason are the ways social workers compensate for the shortcomings of empiricism and
positivism. There are some notable implications that stem from this strategy. First, social work
values are left without a vigorous philosophical foundation on par with empiricism and positi-
vism that serves to inform conceptual models concerning their implementation. Consequently,
the understanding of social work values (such as self-determination or recognizing the impor-
tance of human relationships) is not something that must be studied and learned but rather
absorbed. This is reflected in the fact that foundational courses in social work programs require
two courses specifically on human behavior theory. In contrast, the transmission of social work
values is infused throughout the curriculum. This lack of need to transmit social work value
conceptual models allows for this diffuse approach. Postmodern thought—supporting value-
based approaches—addresses this shortcoming by offering the vigorous philosophical founda-
tion (namely, phenomenology and social constructionism) from which conceptual models of
social work values can arise.

Second, by emphasizing humans’ continuity with animals, qualities of the human con-
dition that make us unique are deemphasized. Science is the broad field of the study of
nature. The humanities—comprising history, literature, language, and so forth—is the broad
field of the study of human beings as unique entities. Yes, by appealing to reason science
recognizes free will, but free will falls outside the framework of scientific conceptual
models describing its operation. So again, how to effectively engage a client’s free will
to foster the change process is knowledge that must be absorbed rather than studied and
learned. Again, postmodern thought provides the philosophical foundation for these con-
ceptual models to arise.

FROM PERSON-IN-ENVIRONMENT TO STRENGTHS 239

PHENOMENOLOGY

The following quotation by Gadamer (trans. 1960/1999) illustrates the shift in thinking con-
cerning human action offered by phenomenology:

But it is thus clear that man [sic], unlike all other living creatures, has a “world,” for other creatures
do not in the same sense have a relationship to the world, but are, as it were, embedded in their
environment…. Moreover, unlike all other living creatures, man’s relationship to the world is
characterized by freedom from environment [original emphasis]…. this does not mean that he leaves
his habitat but that he has another posture toward it—a free, distanced orientation—that is always
realized in language. (pp. 444–445)

This quote introduces the notion of individual-in-world as a more encompassing conceptualiza-
tion than PIE. To simply be embedded in one’s environment harks back to the causal determin-
ism predominantly guiding the actions of animals. The world that human beings inhabit
encompasses all of the bio-psycho-social qualities of interdependence offered by the PIE
model, and then adds the additional layer of a relationship with one’s environment realized
through language.

Some important implications arise from this shift. First, emphasizing the role of language
highlights a quality that is uniquely human: although animals communicate, they do not possess
language—that is, the ability to create meaning via new strings of symbols that comprise new
sentences. So phenomenology emphasizes a difference in kind between humans and animals.
Although the various similarities between humans and animals are still recognized, the ability to
formulate conceptual models elaborating these similarities falls outside the scope of phenomen-
ology. This is a similar in dynamic to science recognizing free will but being unable to form
conceptual models elaborating its use.

Second, Gadamer’s (trans. 1960/1999) reference to “freedom from environment…realized in
language” (pp. 444–445) refers to humans’ ability to use their imagination to posit new worlds
different from the one they currently occupy, and new modes of being in these worlds. Again,
the use of imagination is a difference in kind between humans and animals—animals do not
possess the ability to imagine themselves being different. This is not surprising as postmodern
thought is based within the humanities—the study of humans as unique entities. When applied to
the field of social work, phenomenology marks a shift away from appealing to a client’s reason
to promote change efforts (this is still done; it is simply divested of its central role) toward
appealing to the client’s imagination to promote change. This is reflected in the strengths
perspective’s directive to understand a client’s hopes and dreams of a better life (Rapp &
Goscha, 2006) and the use of “the miracle question” in solution-building therapy (De Jong &
Berg, 2008) to get the client to imagine a life absent the problem.

KEY PRINCIPLES OF PHENOMENOLOGY

It is the work of Husserl (e.g., trans. 1939/1975) and Heidegger (e.g., trans. 1927/1962) that
ushers phenomenology into a postmodern framework. The first key phenomenological principle
that informs its embrace of language is the phenomenological distinction between meaning/
identity (i.e., essence) and object (i.e., existence; Husserl, trans. 1939/1975). By divesting itself

240 DYBICZ

of a role for language and concentrating solely on pure observation, empiricism only recognizes
and describes qualities of existence. In contrast, phenomenology views a phenomenon as
consisting of an existence (i.e., qualities of nature) plus an essence (i.e., meaning/identity
realized through language). In addition, multiple meanings/identities can apply to the same
object. So, for example, the same triangle may be described as being either equilateral or
equiangular: both names express different meanings but designate the same object. Thus the
name chosen to identify this object will emphasize certain qualities of its nature over others
(length of its sides vs. measurement of its angles).

When this concept is applied to a human being (or human beings in the form of groups and
communities), the possible meanings/identities become numerous. This principle translates into
social work practice via spotlighting the dynamic of how we as social workers come to know
the client (the term client here and throughout the article reflects its broadest possible
conception in social work terms: individual, group, or community), and how clients comes
to know themselves. “Do clients come to know themselves primarily through the problems and
failures they are experiencing or through their strengths?” is a primary question asked by the
postmodern practitioner. If clients are viewing themselves primarily through the problems and
failures they are experiencing, it is through appealing to the client’s imagination, not reason,
that will produce a change in the client’s essence (meaning/identity) and, consequently, a
change in the client’s behavior. A further elaboration of this dynamic will be given shortly.

The second key phenomenological principle marking its postmodern turn is the recon-
ceptualization of time begun by Husserl (trans. 1913/1982) and brought to full fruition by
Heidegger. As reflected in the title of Heidegger’s (trans. 1927/1962) magnum opus Being
and Time, time is privileged as determining being (i.e., existence and essence). Being is
defined as a phenomenon’s presence in a continuously succeeding series of “nows” (i.e.,
the present). Previously, the various properties of a phenomenon were privileged as
determining its being. Husserl (1913/1982) dubbed this view the “natural standpoint.”
So, for example, Plato (trans. c. 370 BCE/2008) states as way of illustration that a specific
dog has many observable qualities determining its existence. Among these, certain of these
qualities will be shared by all dogs, thus determining the essence of “dogness.”
Consequently, for Plato, the essence of a phenomenon lies in eternal abstract qualities
that find their expression in a specific phenomenon.

At first glance, this difference in determining how being (i.e., reality) arises may seem like
simple nitpicking among philosophers. However, the shift to privileging time carries with it
some profound implications. First, meaning/identity becomes something unique to the phenom-
enon being observed rather than resting in fixed abstract qualities. Heidegger (trans. 1927/1962)
creates the word Dasein to capture this notion of a unique individual revealing oneself tempo-
rally, rather than the abstract term human. Second, privileging time results in identity being
realized through language: language (e.g., equilateral or equiangular) orders the natural qualities
of a phenomenon’s existence as it passes through time (Mensch, 1988). Flowing from this
implication is the first key principle outlined above—being realized through language, the
identity of a phenomenon is malleable: multiple identities are possible for the same object.
Thus the being of a phenomenon can be transformed through a shift in language use. As will be
illustrated below, this has profound implication for promoting change within the client or his or
her environment.

FROM PERSON-IN-ENVIRONMENT TO STRENGTHS 241

THE IMPORTANCE OF NARRATIVE

Building on the insights laid down by Heidegger (trans. 1927/1962) in Being and Time, Ricoeur
(1984–1988), in his multivolume work Time and Narrative, further elaborated the connection
that language has to the role played by time in ordering existence. Ricoeur described time as
falling into two categories: cosmic time and human time. Cosmic time is time as measured by
the clock; it governs the cause–effect mechanisms found in nature. So, for example, if a woman
becomes pregnant, it is the passage of clock time (typically, 9 months) that will govern when she
gives birth.

By contrast, human time is time as it is realized through language/narrative. As such, it
governs the shaping of the essence (i.e., identity) of a phenomenon. As way of illustration, if I
were to ask you, “How was your day?”, a typical response would include some type of
qualitative measure followed by a listing of events acting as evidence in support of this measure.
It would not consist of a second-by-second account of everything you did. Rather, the time
marking your “day” would be compressed by narrative into the span of a few sentences.
Furthermore, the selection of events for this narrative is determined by the theme of my inquiry
(i.e., “How was your day?”). So, for example, what you ate for breakfast would typically be
deemed irrelevant and, thus, not included in your response. However, if I were to ask you
“How’s your diet coming along?”, this theme grants much greater importance to what you ate for
breakfast. Thus multiple identities are possible for the same “your day.” When applied to the
scenario of a woman becoming pregnant, the existence of pregnancy (the observed facts, or
definition of pregnancy) is the same for all women; however, the meaning/identity (i.e., essence)
attributed to the pregnancy may range anywhere from blissful to dreadful. Similarly for groups
and communities, one’s sexual orientation or racial makeup are observable traits; yet the mean-
ing attributed to these traits in terms of identity features varies widely in human society and
throughout human history.

So by elaborating the link between human time and narrative, Ricoeur (1984–1988) com-
pleted the formula begun by Heidegger (trans. 1927/1962): Being-Time-Narrative. Doing so
allows for the elaboration of conceptual models describing how narrative shapes being and,
consequently, human action—human action that is guided by free will. Ricoeur (1984–1988)
turned to Aristotle’s (trans. c. 335 BC/1996) theory of mimesis in his treatise Poetics. This is a
theory that seeks to describe human behavior as it occurs in narrative. Appealing to human
imagination, simply put, Aristotle’s mimesis states that each of us have a current image of “who
I am” as well as an image of “who I would like to be” in the future. Acting on the image of “who
I would like to be” is what guides present actions. Thus, “All human action is always an
imitation of action—Achilles is living up to his own image of himself…like all brave men, he
wants ‘to die like Achilles’” (i.e., courageously; Davis, 1992, p. xviii).

Ricoeur (1984–1988) updated Aristotle’s mimesis for a postmodern context, lending it a
deeper and richer elaboration. This conceptual model guides such postmodern practices as
elucidating a client’s dreams and goals and the highlighting of strengths. The full implications
for social work practice arising from Ricoeur’s theory of mimesis has been given comprehensive
treatment elsewhere (Dybicz, 2010). For the purposes here, it is sufficient to note that mimesis
addresses the shortcoming of positivism by offering a conceptual model—grounded in the
equally rigorous philosophical thought of phenomenology—that describes the operation of
free will.

242 DYBICZ

SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONISM

As with phenomenology, the following quote by Berger and Luckman (1966) in their founda-
tional treatise on social constructionism describes people as living in a world as opposed to
simply an environment:

Animals, as species and as individuals, live in closed worlds whose structures are predetermined by
the biological equipment of the several animal species. By contrast, man’s [sic] relationship to his
environment is characterized by world-openness. (p. 47)

Again, this quote emphasizes the unique human qualities of free will and the ability to imagine
one’s world and one’s self as consisting of many possibilities (i.e., world openness).

Yet creating an image of “who I am” and “who I would like to be” is not merely an exercise
of imagination. For myself to begin basing my actions on such an image, I need to find it
believable—it must be supported by evidence. One cannot escape the realities of one’s existence.
So, for example, I may have daydreams of being a rock star, but I will not base any of my
actions to pursue this dream unless I believe I have the necessary talent. The evidence of my
musical talent (or lack thereof) does not simply occur in my own mind but, rather, in the court of
public opinion. I can find this evidence in society at large (e.g., favorable reactions from an
audience) or through the responses of a few important people (e.g., family, friends who know me
well) or knowledgeable people (e.g., other rock musicians) in my life, communicating to me, in
effect, “Yes, I see you that way too—you have the talent to become a rock musician.”

Two aspects from this dynamic are worthy of note. First, because the evidence supporting my
image occurs in the court of public opinion, it is social in character. This is from where the
“social” in social constructionism derives. Second, while relying on observations, evidence of
my musical talent is not strictly empirical in nature: The quality of my talent can never be
established as a scientific fact. Rather, evidence of my musical talent requires a judgment to be
made—this makes it a value-laden, not value-free, endeavor. Putting this all together, my dream
of becoming a rock musician forms the theme guiding the selection of events that act as evidence
of my musical talent (e.g., again, what I ate for breakfast would be considered irrelevant). In this
manner, a socially constructed narrative is created that directly speaks to both “who I am” and
“who I can be.”

KEY PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONISM

The first key principle that informs this inquiry is that of legitmation (Berger & Luckman, 1966):
the notion that some social constructions, due to the preponderance of evidence supporting them,
achieve a dominant status in society. The sensibility of the value-laden judgment is so apparent
that it goes unquestioned. So using the example given earlier of a woman’s experience of
pregnancy and impending motherhood, phenomenology tells us that the meaning of this
pregnancy can range from blissful to dreadful. Now if we apply a specific scenario to this
example of pregnancy—the woman is 16 years old—a definitive social construction arises that
lends meaning to this event: It is deemed unwise and undesirable. Note that this is not a
scientific empirical fact (i.e., in all times and circumstances, giving birth at age 16 is undesirable)
but rather a value-laden judgment based on the observed demands of modern society. The

FROM PERSON-IN-ENVIRONMENT TO STRENGTHS 243

preponderance of evidence supporting the social construction, “It is unwise and undesirable for
teenagers in the United States to become pregnant,” is so overwhelming that the value-laden
judgment becomes legitimized over all others. And this is with good reason. At a societal level,
we do not wish to encourage U.S. teenagers to become pregnant.

Now as stated earlier, phenomenology tells us that social constructions create narratives that
directly comment on the identity of the individual experiencing the specific situation. So for the
vast majority of U.S. teenagers—those who avoid pregnancy—the above social construction
attributes a life-affirming value judgment to their identity, depicting them as wise, mature
women. They meet the normal expectation. By contrast, for those teenagers who do become
pregnant each year in the United States, the above social construction attributes a negative value
judgment to their identity, depicting them as unwise, immature, and ill equipped for motherhood.
Failing to achieve this standard norm, these women, consequently, are viewed as failures in this
area, and their pregnancy is not simply unplanned but also a mistake. It is not hard to see that
such negative valuations of identity do not honor the inherent dignity and worth of the
individual. When working with a pregnant teenager, a social worker who either overtly or tacitly
accepts this social construction (or simply does not think to question it) actively contributes to
undermining the client’s inherent worth and dignity. As will be demonstrated shortly, an
alternative social construction is necessary to guide practice in a way that the social worker
can honor the inherent dignity and worth of the client.

The second key principle is that multiple realities are possible for a particular observed reality
(Berg & Luckman, 1966; Gergen, 1999). Social constructionism accepts the phenomenological
position concerning multiple identities/realities for the same object. It adds to this notion, by
describing how these alternative identities/realities are constructed: socially, through the lan-
guage use of value-laden statements. Thus although a particular dominant narrative may hold
sway in depicting an experience (e.g., teenage pregnancy) and client in negative terms, it is
possible through the social process to construct alternative narratives that give the experience a
new meaning that is life-affirming and that honors the dignity and worth of the client. Social
constructionism provides the philosophical foundation—on par with empiricism—for guiding
such value-laden practice.

One element at work in crafting an alternative social construction with the client is when the
social worker moves away from primarily viewing the client empirically (a representative of a
population group—e.g., pregnant teenagers) and begins to primarily view the client phenomen-
ologically (an a unique individual temporally unfolding—e.g., Jane S.). When viewing the client
phenomenologically, the social worker is able to understand that although a particular dominant
narrative is useful at the societal level, in this particular individual instance it is damaging. This
realization prompts an effort to generate an alternative social construction, which offers positive
valuations for the client. So returning to the example of the pregnant teenager, the many
challenges that she will face are not simply ignored. Rather, they move from the foreground
of a narrative constructed about her pregnancy (wherein they represent key dynamics determin-
ing her functional adaptation to her environment) to the background of an alternative construc-
tion (wherein they represent various obstacles to achieving her dream of becoming a good
mother). In such a counternarrative, evidence of Jane’s qualities and those of her environment
that will contribute to achieving her dream are looked for and highlighted—for example, her
courage in deciding to face these challenges, various caregiving skills she has developed through
her family relationships, supportive relationships in her life, and so forth. These will be qualities

244 DYBICZ

that honor her inherent worth and dignity as well as recognize the importance of human
relationships—two key social work values. In effect, the alternative social construction commu-
nicates to the client, “Yes, I see that in you too—you have the talent to be a good mother.”
Consequently, actions taken by the teen mother-to-be to prenatally care for her baby and prepare
for its arrival take on positive valuations that honor her dignity and worth—that is, actions
reflective of being a good mother rather than being defined primarily as actions taken to adapt to
one’s environment due to failure to meet a norm of functioning.

An additional element worthy of note pertaining to the process of social construction is the
role that power plays in shaping these constructions. Foucault (1981) reconceptualized power by
positioning it within the structure of language use in this process of social construction. This new
conceptualization of power helps to explain instances when dominant social constructions arise
from baser human qualities, such as the many examples throughout human history of negative
valuations attributed to minority communities in society simply for being different. Similarly to
the example above, the mode to counteract these negative identity valuations often takes the
form of providing experiences in mainstream society that contradict these negative valuations
(e.g., civil rights marches, gay pride parades, positive and richer depiction in literature, televi-
sion, and movies) and foster new life-affirming social constructions.

THEORIES OF MEANING CREATION IN LANGUAGE

As stated earlier, the application of social work values lies outside the scientific paradigm of
evidence-based practice; empiricism and positivism are unable to spawn conceptual theories or
models describing the implementation of these values. By contrast, social constructionism and
phenomenology do provide such a philosophical base, spawning a number of theories for
understanding how values are applied to construct meaning and, consequently, reality. Some
prominent examples are the following: Foucault’s (1981) theory on power-knowledge; Derrida’s
(trans. 1967/1997) theory of deconstruction and the notion of the absent but implicit; and
Wittgenstein’s (trans. 1958) theory of language games. More important, postmodern social
work practitioners have turned to each of the above theories to guide them in their value-
based approach to practice—for example, White and Epston (1990) used Foucault’s theory of
power-knowledge; De Shazer and Berg (1992) and White (2004, 2005) made use of Derrida’s
theory of deconstruction; and De Shazer et al. (2007) turned to Wittgenstein’s theory of language
games. Space limitations prevent a detailed analysis in explaining exactly how the above authors
implemented each of the above theories. The points being argued are simply this: that these
theories exist, they are uniquely suited to provide conceptual frameworks for guiding valued-
based approaches, and postmodern practitioners are employing them.

BUILDING A CONCEPTUAL MODEL FOR SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE

As Saari (1991) noted early on in the postmodern movement, a view of human behavior solely
in terms of adaptation is inadequate, not yielding a comprehensive understanding of the client’s
struggles:

FROM PERSON-IN-ENVIRONMENT TO STRENGTHS 245

The perspective taken in this book asserts that the adaptive point of view has provided an inadequate
foundation for clinical social work theory. A theory of meaning in which psychological health is
indicated by a constructed personal meaning system (or identity) that is highly differentiated,
articulated, and integrated is proposed to take the place of conceptualizations about adaptation. (p. 4)

These philosophically grounded theories of meaning (e.g., Derrida, 1997/1967; Foucault, 1981;
Ricoeur, 1984–1988; Wittgenstein, 1958) to which postmodern practitioners have turned inform
how social work values are applied in the helping situation to stoke the client’s spirit and inspire
the client’s imagination for positive change. This is the promise that postmodernism holds for
social work practice: a fuller, richer description of the human condition and human behavior.

Yet if one makes the postmodern move of placing the adaptive point of view in the back-
ground as Saari (1991) suggested, what is now needed is a postmodern conceptual model of
meaning making on par with PIE. One of the most highly appealing aspects of PIE as a
conceptual model has been its versatility. Not only is it able to provide insights directly to the
intervention process, but it can act as a meta-framework under which can be plugged in the
various scientific theories on bio-psycho-social functioning (Greif, 1986; Siporin, 1980). From
the earlier descriptions of phenomenology and social constructionism, one can glean a nascent
concept of individual-in-world. But even this formulation owes its origin to scientifically
grounded theory: It is a reaction to PIE and thus retains the same grammatical structure. PIE
arises as a conceptual model from scientific theory: ecological systems theory. Similarly, to
achieve a versatile postmodern conceptual model for practice on the meaning making that occurs
in the articulation of identity, one must turn to humanistic theory to securely ground the model.

At least one such attempt has already been made. In his conceptual model “hero(ine) on a
journey,” Dybicz (2012) turned to the humanistic theory of Joseph Campbell (1949/1968) in his
work Hero of a Thousand Faces. Campbell examined numerous myths across cultures and time
periods. He noted that heroic myths and folk tales were narratives of personal transformation:
they involved the struggle of meaning making involved in the articulation of a new identity, or
being-in-the-world. Campbell (1949/1968) explained, “This popular motif gives emphasis to the
lesson that the passage of the threshold is a form of self-annihilation….the hero goes inward, to
be born again” (p. 91). Campbell further explained,

Beyond the threshold, then, the hero [sic] journeys through a world of unfamiliar yet strangely
intimate forces, some of which severely threaten him (tests), some of which give him magical aid
(helpers). When he arrives at the nadir of the mythological round, he undergoes a supreme ordeal
and gains his reward…intrinsically it is an expansion of consciousness and therewith of being.
(p. 246)

Campbell identified a common narrative framework among all these various heroic narratives,
which he labeled a monomyth: This monomyth was encapsulated by the phrase “hero on a
journey.” Within the framework of this monomyth, there is a physical journey of the hero(ine)
taking action in his or her surrounding environment, but at the same time, this physical journey
also involves a journey of self-transformation. And it is the journey of self-transformation that
more powerfully speaks to the actions of the hero(ine), rather than the physical journey of adapting
to one’s environment. This dual recognition of the journey undertaken by the hero(ine)—a
physical journey and a journey of self-transformation—makes it ideally suited to reflect phenom-
enology’s stance of recognizing both existence (i.e., observable qualities of nature) and essence

246 DYBICZ

(value judgments on identity/meaning) and social constructionism’s insights into the creation of
these essences in the form of narratives.

So when applied to social work practice, the conceptual model of “hero(ine) on a journey”
recognizes that the client, spurred on by a presenting problem, is undertaking a physical journey:
the client acts to restore her or his functioning to a normal or healthy level. In this manner, the
meta-framework of PIE fits within the even broader framework of hero(ine) on a journey. Thus,
hero(ine) on a journey incorporates the conceptual model of PIE and all the scientific under-
standing that finds a home there. Yet this scientific understanding yields insights into only one of
the two journeys undertaken by the client. The journey of self-transformation—meaning making
that informs a new articulation of identity—occurs at a narrative level. And as noted earlier,
postmodern practitioners have turned to theories of meaning making by Derrida (1997/1967),
Foucault (1981), Ricoeur (1984–1988), and Wittgenstein (1958), to name a few, for guidance in
speaking to this journey of self-transformation. This journey powerfully speaks to those client
actions precipitated by free will and value judgments.

Once again, space limitations prevent the full elaboration of the hero(ine) on a journey
conceptual model for social work practice. As noted earlier, the aforementioned article is already
devoted to this task. The purpose here is simply to outline the basic requirements that must be
met by a postmodern meta-framework for practice. And through the brief illustration of one such
model, the point being argued is simply that such a model is possible. And as explicated above,
PIE (and all the scientific understanding that it brings with it) gets absorbed into such a
postmodern model and, in so doing, has its importance repositioned.

CONCLUSION

So although, as Saari (1991) noted, the adaptive point of view may prove inadequate serving as
the philosophical foundation on which to base practice, it still represents useful knowledge. It
simply does not represent all knowledge. Postmodern practice approaches do not eschew
scientific understanding. By addressing gaps in scientific conceptual models concerning free
will and values, they seek to add an extra, richer layer to traditional understanding of social work
interventions. The definition of “evidence” is expanded to include value-laden narratives that
speak to identity, reflective of an individual inhabiting a world. This more comprehensive view
of human behavior still uses the conceptual framework of PIE, but this knowledge is moved to
the background, playing a supporting role to philosophically grounded value-based approaches
that form the new foundation for practice.

This has important implications concerning the role to be played by HBSE within the social
work curriculum. As reflected in current HBSE textbooks (Thyer, Dulmus, & Sowers, 2012;
Van Wormer, 2010; Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 2012), scientific theories comprise the content
of HBSE courses. At best (e.g., Robbins, Chatterjee, & Canda, 2011), the foundational theories
of social constructionism and phenomenology are given a nod. Notably absent are theories
from postmodern authors such as Derrida, Foucault, and Wittgenstein, which, like their
scientific counterparts, spring from these foundational theories and speak directly to human
behavior. The reason for this is the long-held assumption in our profession that only science
can reliable expound on human nature. This has resulted in the division of HBSE courses in
terms of macro and micro (scientific) theories. Accepting the argument that postmodern

FROM PERSON-IN-ENVIRONMENT TO STRENGTHS 247

theories have a vital role to play in social work instruction calls for a new division of HBSE
courses to take place: one course on scientific (i.e., modern) theories of human behavior and
one course on humanistic (i.e., postmodern) theories of human behavior. For the latter, the
“social environment” is that of language.

What cannot be denied is the following: currently, social work instruction does not offer
any theoretical frameworks to guide the application of social work values. Furthermore,
scientific theory will never be able to address this lack. Postmodern theories, however, can
do so and thus have an important role to play in social work instruction in this regard. Thus
the promise of postmodern practice lies in this fuller, richer description of the human condition
that it offers. By conceiving of individuals inhabiting a world, rather than simply living in an
environment, social workers are armed with conceptual models that allow them to highlight
what is best in clients. More akin to the role of an editor, social workers’ expertise lies in their
ability to use these conceptual models to inspire clients to conceive of new possibilities of
being-in-the-world and to foster hope that they can realize these new possibilities.
Consequently, although not eschewing the importance of appealing to reason, postmodern
approaches are staked on the claim that the power of change arises more strongly by inspiring
the human spirit and imagination.

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FROM PERSON-IN-ENVIRONMENT TO STRENGTHS 249

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• Abstract

STRENGTHS AND SHORTCOMINGS OF PIE
PHENOMENOLOGY
KEY PRINCIPLES OF PHENOMENOLOGY
THE IMPORTANCE OF NARRATIVE
SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONISM
KEY PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONISM
THEORIES OF MEANING CREATION IN LANGUAGE
BUILDING A CONCEPTUAL MODEL FOR SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
CONCLUSION
REFERENCES

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The Place of Place in Social Work: Rethinking the
Person-in-Environment Model in Social Work
Education and Practice

Bree Akesson, Victoria Burns & Shawn-Renee Hordyk

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Place in Social Work: Rethinking the Person-in-Environment Model in Social Work Education and
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The Place of Place in Social Work: Rethinking the
Person-in-Environment Model in Social Work Education and Practice

Bree Akesson , Victoria Burns, and Shawn-Renee Hordyk

ABSTRACT
Social work’s traditional emphasis on the individual in the context of
social environments has resulted in a neglect of the person in the
context of physical environments. This conceptual article addresses
this oversight by presenting three subconcepts of place—place attach-
ment, place identity, and territoriality—and draws on research exam-
ples with marginalized populations to illustrate the possibilities for
understanding and integrating these concepts into social work. We
ultimately argue for a shift toward an emphasis on place as a fresh
avenue of inquiry to broaden and enhance social work education and
practice.

ARTICLE HISTORY
Accepted: November 2015

Over the past 40 years, the geographic concept of place has become a conceptual building block
in various social science disciplines, including urban sociology, environmental psychology,
environmental gerontology, and anthropology, and their applied disciplines, such as urban
planning, housing studies, and architecture. The concept of place has been conceptualized
through two main perspectives: a phenomenological approach of place and a social construc-
tionist approach to place (Cresswell, 2004). A phenomenological approach of place is concerned
less with studying specific places and more with the subjective meanings, emotions, and the
embodied experience tied to place (Cresswell, 2004). For many phenomenological scholars of
place, home is the ideal place, as it provides a sense of comfort, security, and belonging
(Proshansky, Fabian, & Kaminoff, 1983; Relph, 1976; Tuan, 1974). On the other hand, a social
constructionist approach to place considers how underlying sociopolitical processes related to
power (i.e., capitalism, ageism, political violence) shape individual experiences with place
(Cresswell, 1996; Harvey, 1996; Massey, 1997).

Although the person-in-environment model is a hallmark of the social work profession
(Cornell, 2006), those in social work do not have a solid understanding of place as a significant
concept in education and practice. Therefore, through this conceptual article, we aim to reveal
place as a concept that is highly relevant and important to education and practice. After
situating the concept of place within the history of social work, we demonstrate how three
interrelated subconcepts of place—place attachment, place identity, and territoriality—are
useful theoretical tools in the social work milieu. We use examples from three social work
research projects with older homeless adults, immigrant families, and war-affected children
and families to illustrate the utility of these three subconcepts of place. Ultimately, we contend
that the concept of place provides a novel interdisciplinary lens to view social work issues and
is a promising theoretical tool to reenvision social work’s trademark person-in-environment
model.

CONTACT Bree Akesson bakesson@wlu.ca Lyle S. Hallman Faculty of Social Work, Wilfrid Laurier University, 120 Duke
Street West, Kitchener, Ontario, Canada, N2H 3W8.
© 2017 Council on Social Work Education

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
2017, VOL. 53, NO. 3, 372–383
https://doi.org/10.1080/10437797.2016.1272512

http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6760-7198

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Place in the history of social work

Although the geographical concept of place has received scant attention in the field of social work,
the related concept of the environment has been the hallmark of the discipline. (Cornell, 2006), with
social work’s commitment to the person-in-environment perspective distinguishing itself from other
helping professions. The environmental perspective is considered to be the foundation of social work
(Janchill, 1969), a “conceptual umbrella” under which social work practice has developed (Meyer,
1983, p. 5), and a pillar of social work theory (Goldstein, 2009). Since the birth of the social work
profession at the turn of the 20th century, the environment, thinly conceptualized at the time as
anything outside the individual, was a central concern for social workers (Strom-Gottfried, 2002).
Notably, Mary Richmond (1917) highlighted the interdependence of people and environment
through the systematic collection of detailed data regarding an individual’s environment, such as
the family and other factors outside the family known as “social evidence” (Richmond, 1917, p. 38).
However, by the late 1920s and continuing through the 1970s, the concept of person in environment
was eclipsed by evolving theories related to individual functioning (Strom-Gottfried, 2002).
Although social work theorists did not entirely exclude the environment from their formulations,
it was only marginally included. This emphasis on the individual was more a result of social work’s
reliance on psychological developmental theories, whereas geographical theories relating to place
were far less common.

The 1970s ushered in greater interest and emphasis on the environment with social work scholars
such as Germain (1973), Meyer (1970), and Siporin (1975) advocating for models of social work that
placed primary emphasis on systems and ecological theories. Yet, since the 1970s, social work has
taken a myopic view of the role of physical place in social work, reflecting challenges within the
profession to redefine itself (Rogge & Cox, 2001). Although some scholars have recognized that social
work needs to move beyond the social environment, for example, by acknowledging the natural
environment (Zapf, 2009), the current social work discourse either ignores the concept and meaning
of place in social work or emphasizes the social environment over the physical environment (Coates,
2003; McKinnon, 2008; Närhi, 2004; Zapf, 2009). In this way, the physical environment effectively
becoming a present absence, or that which is ubiquitous yet receives scant attention. In fact, current
social work trends tend to dichotomize the physical environment into social and physical spheres
rather than acknowledging the dynamic and reciprocal interaction between people and place.

There is ambivalence and disagreement over what the person-in-environment model means, how
it should be integrated into social work practice and education, and if it should even be social work’s
signature concept (Rogge & Cox, 2001). Those in favor of the person-in-environment model as a
central social work tenet suggest that it provides a holistic framework to understand person-
environment interactions, whereas opponents assert that the person in environment is too broad a
notion to guide social work practice (Probst, 2012). This tension about the definition, utility, and
operationalization of the concept of place in social work hinders meaningful discussions about how
we can best use the concept of place to enhance social work education and practice with diverse and
often marginalized populations.

A brief overview of three subconcepts of place

Before providing examples of the utility of the concept of place in social work, this section introduces
three subconcepts of place—place attachment, place identity, and territoriality—relevant to social
work education and practice. In recognizing there is ample crossover work (Fullilove, 2014; Manzo &
Devine-Wright, 2014; Moore, 2000), the first two concepts (place attachment and place identity)
have largely been developed from the phenomenological approach of place, whereas territoriality
comes from the social constructionist approach to place. These concepts have received extensive
theoretical and empirical attention in other social science fields including sociology and psychology.
However, they have received little consideration in the field of social work.

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 373

Place attachment and place identity

The concepts of place attachment and place identity have been central to the phenomenological
approach of place. For Tuan (1974b), everyday involvement with particular physical places over time
leads to attachments to place, what Tuan called “topophilia,” literally meaning the love of place.
Echoing Tuan’s conceptualizations of place, Relph (1976) contends that place attachment is just as
important as attachment to people, as it addresses the fundamental need of human belonging. Relph
argues that this sense of belonging occurs when one feels securely attached and rooted in a physical
place. Conversely, those who feel no attachment to a place may experience placelessness (Relph,
1976).

Feeling securely attached to place is also considered a necessary requirement for maintaining a
positive sense of self, or what Altman and Low (1992) refer to as place identity. Specifically, they
contend,

Place attachment may contribute to the formation, maintenance, and preservation of the identity of a person,
group, or culture. And, it may also be that place attachment plays a role in fostering individual, group, and
cultural self-esteem, self-worth, and self-pride. (p. 10)

The concept of place identity captures the importance of one’s physical environment in the
development of individual and collective identities. Memories, thoughts, values, emotions, and
meanings are inseparable from the everyday physical environments in which they occur
(Proshansky et al., 1983). This weaving of place and self gives rise to individual place identities.
Collective identities, on the other hand, emerge from the discursive coconstructions concerning
place and the unique cultural, historical, and political factors contributing to the meanings one
attaches to place (Dixon & Durrheim, 2000). Place identities often remain unexamined unless there
is change, such as that brought on by migration.

Territoriality

In addition to identity and attachment, underlying notions of power contribute to the concept of
place. In the human geography literature, power often refers to inherent power dynamics within a
physical space (Harvey, 1973; Massey, 1993). A discussion about politics and power and their
relationship to place cannot be isolated from the concept of territoriality (Sack, 1983, 1986).
Territoriality is a spatial process for claiming and controlling a geographical area, including its
people and resources. According to Sack (1986), territoriality is “related to how people use land, how
they organize themselves in space and how they give meanings to place” (p. 2).

Territoriality has a psychological benefit for individuals and groups, playing a critical role in the
development of a sense of security (Uzzell, 1990). Territoriality leads to a greater identification with
home and the local community as a place of sanctuary, resulting in a perception of having more
control over the environment. Lang (1987) confirms that territories fulfill the basic human needs for
security, identity, and stimulation. A strong sense of territoriality becomes a means of establishing
and maintaining one’s sense of identity related to place (Ittelson, 1974).

Drawing on excerpts and examples from three research projects, the next section illustrates how
these three subconcepts—place attachment, place identity, and territoriality—are portrayed in
different marginalized populations.

The concept of place in social work research: Three examples from the field

Emphasizing the dynamic, reciprocal, and interactive relationship between people and place
(Massey, 1994; Relph, 1976), this section explores the application of the three subconcepts of
place. Each of these subconcepts are further illustrated using examples from different research
projects with marginalized populations. To clarify the subconcept of place attachment, the first

374 B. AKESSON ET AL.

research example describes the experiences of newly homeless older adults (NHOAs) compared to
the chronically homeless living in an urban Canadian setting (Burns, 2015). The second research
example draws on research with newly immigrant families also living in an urban Canadian setting
to further explain the subconcept of place identity (Hordyk, 2014). Providing illustrations of the
subconcept of territoriality, the third research example explores the concept and meaning of place
for war-affected children and families living in the West Bank and East Jerusalem (Akesson, 2014b).
All three research projects received relevant ethics approval.

The following three sections do not present the full findings of these studies. Rather, concepts and
quotations are used to illustrate the relevance of the different subconcepts of place when working
with these marginalized populations. It is our hope that these examples will broaden the under-
standing of those in social work of the relevance and importance of place in the lives of marginalized
populations.

Differing experiences of place attachment among older homeless adults in an urban context

Countless scholarly articles have claimed that the immediate environment becomes more significant
in old age as social networks and mobility tend to decrease, making one’s home and neighborhood
the main sites for identity and belonging (Guest & Wierzbicki, 1999; Peace, Holland, & Kellaher,
2006; Peace, Wahl, Mollenkopf, & Oswald, 2007; Rowles, 1983). A prevalent notion is that an older
adult’s sense of security, comfort, autonomy, and well-being is directly related to feeling securely
attached to place, which is most often one’s private home and surrounding neighborhood (Burns
et al., 2012; Wiles, Leibing, Guberman, & Allen, 2011). Such assumptions implicitly underpin the
current “aging in place” (p. 357) policy and practice models that are based on the idea that people
become increasingly attached to their homes and prefer to remain in place for as long as possible
(Wiles, Leibing, Guberman, Reeve, & Allen, 2011).

One of the most widespread theories of place attachment for older adults was developed by
Rowles (1978, 1983) who conceptualized place attachment across three dimensions of insideness:
physical, social, and autobiographical. For Rowles (1983), physical insideness is associated with living
somewhere for long periods of time; the resident establishes a sense of environmental control or
mastery by creating an idiosyncratic rhythm and routine. Social insideness evolves not only from
everyday social exchanges and relationships but also from a sense of being well-known and knowing
others. Third, autobiographical insideness has been suggested to be the most relevant to describe
older people’s attachment to place because it is embedded in memories. Through the process of
aging, these memories are recalled selectively in the creation of one’s identity. Older people with
strong ties to place are also reported to feel more in control and more secure and to have a positive
sense of self. The concept of place attachment has been applied empirically by Rubenstein and
Parmelee (1992) and Sugihara and Evans (2000) who make the link between older people’s attach-
ment to their private homes, maintaining a positive self-image, and supporting their independence.
Thus, understanding place attachment has become a crucial subconcept for understanding well-
being and positive self-image for older people. However, the existing body of research has focused
largely on adults who are aging in stable and familiar living environments, mainly their private
homes. As yet, little is known about experiences of place attachment among older homeless adults, a
population that is rising in number but remains largely neglected in research, policy, and practice
(Burns et al., 2012).

Examples of place attachment in this section are based on a research study comparing the
experiences of long-term, chronically homeless older adults who had moved in and out of home-
lessness over the course of their lives and NHOAs, adults who were experiencing their first episode
of homelessness at age 50 and over and were homeless for a maximum of 2 years at the time of the
study (Burns, 2015). In describing the chronically homeless shelter residents, service providers used
the words “comfort” and “security” in relation to shelter living and specified that chronically
homeless residents said they “hoped it was their last home”:

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 375

There is just a handful, maybe five or six. I’d say the ones who are truly aging here, they are hoping it is their
last home . . . they have their own rituals, their space. Like, Mr. S. goes downstairs to the third floor where there
is an English TV room to watch The Price Is Right, and that is a major part of his day. The whole TV room
knows that it is Mr. S’s The Price Is Right. If he is not there at 11, they still switch the channel in anticipation. It
is just established.

The long-term homeless adults had established a sense of social and physical and autobiographi-
cal insideness within the shelter. Having lived at the shelter for years, they had established routines
and knew their physical environment well (known as autobiographical and physical insideness).
They were connected to their community, and, in turn, they were well known by others (i.e., they
had high levels of social insideness), all of which are signs of heightened place attachment (Rowles,
1978).

In contrast, the NHOAs battled place attachment at the shelter by actively working toward exiting
homelessness as quickly as possible. They spent as little time as possible at the shelter, avoided
shelter residents, and refused to self-identify as homeless. One NHOA explained that he was doing
everything to avoid “becoming part of the furniture” as he has seen happen with other shelter
residents,

Some people they live here for years. They are part of the furniture that’s why, I see that too much, and I don’t
want to. [The homeless shelter] is only a trampoline. That’s what I’m putting in my head and saying, oh, it’s a
bouncing place. I bounce.

By considering the subconcept of place attachment from the narratives of older homeless adults,
this study provides important insight into how the experience of place attachment can differ for
people who are residing in an emergency homeless shelter. The long-term homeless wished to age in
place inside an emergency shelter. This desire to stay put was reinforced by feelings of physical,
autobiographical, and social insideness (Rowles, 1978). On the other hand, the NHOAs aimed to
avoid becoming attached to the shelter or establishing any form of insideness. They convinced
themselves that homelessness was only temporary, which in turn was also a strategy to resist taking
on a negative homeless identity. Overall, the results of this study show that within the growing
population of older homeless adults, those who become homeless for the first time in later life have
different experiences with place attachment than those who have been homeless for extended periods
of time. Acknowledging older homeless adults’ differing experiences with place attachment is a
promising strategy to guide rehousing strategies and ensure the diversity of needs are met.

The concept of place and its related subconcept of place attachment are certainly pertinent
theoretical lenses to view the experiences of individuals who have experienced homelessness.
Likewise, as the next section demonstrates, connection with place through nature can help immi-
grant families adapt to their new social and physical environments by contributing to the develop-
ment of place identity.

Nature and urban place identity for immigrant families

Within urban settings, several dimensions have been found to be pertinent in the development of
individual and collective place identities, which include (a) continuity between the present location
and one’s personal past, (b) feelings of belongingness and rootedness, (c) the ability to perceive what
is unique about the urban place, (d) a sense of familiarity and orientation, and (e) a commitment to
stay (Lalli, 1992). Researchers have found that nature spaces such as parks and gardens play a role in
the development of place identity in immigrant adult populations (Li, Hodgetts, & Ho, 2010;
Morgan, Rocha, & Poynting, 2005; Rishbeth, 2004; Rishbeth & Finney, 2006). It has remained
unclear, however, whether the natural environment as experienced in urban centers influences the
development of place identity in immigrant families.

This section draws on findings from a research study exploring how encounters with the urban
natural environment, flora, fauna, geography, and climate influenced the adaptation of newcomer

376 B. AKESSON ET AL.

children and their families (Hordyk, Dulude, & Shem, 2015; Hordyk, Hanley, & Richard, 2015).
Using the social determinants of a health framework, psychological, social, and physical factors
emerged. As illustrated in the following, urban nature spaces in home and public settings contrib-
uted to a new place identity. Sensory nature experiences facilitated a deepened awareness of the
present physical environment while stimulating memories of the home country. This movement
between past and present allowed newcomers to develop a hybrid sense of place identity in which the
past and present were woven together.

Immigrant families who accessed urban parks and gardens described their outdoor experiences as
providing a sense of continuity between the home and the host country. More than visual, a wide
variety of sensory-filled experiences—described by participants as the varied aroma of herbs, the
incessant buzzing of the cicadas, the mouth-watering taste of fresh tomatoes, the touch of earth, the
sight of tiny shoots pushing through the ground—were instrumental.

Juanita was conscious of this need for familiarity, stating that one of the reasons she chose to
immigrate to Canada was the similarity between Canada and her home country in South America:

When I came here, I wanted a change in my life. I really like nature in [her home country], but I could not
choose an area that was too different . . . I like the ocean. I like the sun. I like nature and green vegetation. I
wanted to go somewhere where I could have that.

Juanita chose to come to Canada in May so that she could adjust to this new country in the spring
and summer, the seasons that most closely represented what she had known in her home country.

Urban natural settings also contributed to a collective sense of identity when outdoor family traditions
could be revived in a new city. Lien and Vong had already established a family tradition in their home
country, regularly frequenting a large urban park on the weekends. This tradition had increased in
frequency now that they lived within walking distance of a neighborhood park in Montreal, which allowed
them to feel more at home with other Montreal families. Lien also described how the urban park
contributed to individual identity when she described how her children “are more relaxed.” Having
room to run and play outdoors on a daily basis had made her children less pressured and performance-
oriented than before.

Newcomer families created a sense of continuity between the home and host countries through
traditions of gardening on balconies, windowsills, and in yards. Some plants were recognizable to them,
whereas others were clearly unique to their home country, as the seeds had been imported. Indoors, some
grew small tropical plants from the seeds of oranges, avocadoes, or lemons, and they kept these
throughout the winter. Although they knew the plants would not readily bear fruit in Montreal’s cold
climate, the plants were reminiscent of home and provided a bridge between where families once had
been and where they now found themselves, once again facilitating a new sense of identity.

That nature places in urban settings contributed to feelings of belonging and rootedness. While
meeting with Dora and her mother in a local park, the third author (Hordyk) was invited by Dora to
a place that she called her “hiding spot.” Located in the corner of the park, a group of low-lying trees
had branches that were accessible for her to climb. As it was summer, the branches were filled with
leaves, providing privacy from those who passed by. Her mother stated that each time they came to
the park, Dora wanted to spend time there. When asked about the first thing she heard when she
arrived in Canada, she replied that she heard the trees greeting her and whispering “coo-coo Dora.”
Her mother explained that she and Dora lived in an apartment that had little privacy because of its
size and paper-thin walls. The neighbors complained when they heard Dora playing or running in
the apartment. Dora felt a sense of belonging perched in the trees of this hiding place.

Feelings of belonging were also fostered by environmental conservation traditions that some families
began on their arrival in Canada. Selena had lived in countries where recycling programs were not an
established community-based practice. In Montreal where recycling was discussed in community centers
and schools as well as modeled by her neighbors, Selena shared how her identification as Canadian was
shaped in part by her participation in this local environmental practice.

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 377

As social work educators preparing students to engage with immigrant populations in the process
of adapting to a new social and physical environment, we might consider the embodied experiences
in urban nature settings that children and families draw on to develop their identities. As newcomers
negotiate the process of adaptation to new geographies, traditions, and communities (Ensor &
Gozìdziak, 2010; Lansford, Deater-Deckard, & Bornstein, 2007), social workers might consider
how sensory contact with nature components of the environment, in parks, on sidewalks, on
windowsills, or seen through windows, facilitate an embodied awareness of place and a transformed
awareness of self within that place. Contact with urban nature provides continuity between the home
and host countries, permits newcomers to become aware of and participate in local ecological
initiatives, and facilitates the strengthening of individual and collective identities that are simulta-
neously rooted in the home country and the place of migration.

This section clearly illustrates the importance of place, specifically urban nature, for the devel-
opment of identity among immigrant populations. Using examples from research with war-affected
populations, the next section explores how politics and power intersect with place (including place
attachment and place identity) and contribute to territoriality.

The politics and power of territoriality for war-affected children and families

The concept of territoriality is particularly apt in explaining the politics and power of place for war-
affected children and families, for the places that these populations live in are highly politicized.
Territoriality’s very definition implies that it is embedded in relations of power as a strategy for
establishing different access to and movement within place. Based on a study exploring the concept
and meaning of place for Palestinian children and families living in the West Bank and East
Jerusalem (Akesson, 2014b, 2015, 2016), this section provides examples that show that the politics
and power of place are openly on display in their everyday experiences. Territories are clearly
defined and embedded in power and politics and have direct implications on the everyday experi-
ences of their residents.

The 709-kilometer separation wall between Israel and the West Bank is one of the most extreme
exercises in territoriality, slicing deep into the Palestinian territories (Falah, 2003; Fields, 2010;
Halper, 2000; Parsons & Salter, 2008). With the construction of the wall, the West Bank has been
territorially segmented, with certain areas designated for either Palestinian or Israeli access (Falah,
2003; Hanafi, 2009; Newman, 1996). Tawil-Souri (2011) describes this kind of territoriality as a
demonstration of “how directly and explicitly domination and control are inscribed into the way
space is organized” (p. 13). The wall currently isolates at least 35,000 Palestinians and 50 commu-
nities in the areas between the wall and the Green Line, which is the internationally recognized
border between Israel and the West Bank. Adil, a young Palestinian man from the West Bank,
described in the following how the wall divides his community:

They want to surround [my village] by the wall. . . . So the wall is just going [to be] at the middle of the village.
So, I live here and my brother lives here and none of us can see the other.

Similarly, a family from a small village in the West Bank described the effects of the wall on their
lives:

Aunt: We cannot go places, because the wall stops our mobility.
Grandfather: They have confiscated our lands to build the wall.
Aunt: We cannot move freely. . . . We cannot go to Jerusalem. They don’t give us permission. The children have
relatives who live on the other side of the wall. They cannot move freely to see them.

As this exchange indicates, the construction of the wall has led to substantial economic losses for
Palestinian families, including loss of land, destruction of key environmental assets, and restricted
access of farmers to their land (Save the Children Sweden, International Bureau for Children’s
Rights, & Defence for Children International, 2011).

378 B. AKESSON ET AL.

Another example of a highly contested territory is the military checkpoint, which mediates
Palestinian mobility. Movement in Palestine is highly controlled through military checkpoints,
and travel between Israel and the West Bank is almost completely banned; it is only allowed for
restricted categories of people such as medical personnel or employees of diplomatic or interna-
tional institutions, all of whom are required to obtain special permission from Israeli authorities
(Abu Nahleh, 2006). Yet, even those granted permission may or may not be able to pass because
of the prevailing political climate. Sanaa, a young Palestinian woman from East Jerusalem,
explained, “Here we spend every day, three hour, five hour in the checkpoint to go into
Jerusalem, and it’s just [a] ten minutes [walk].” Likewise, a mother of seven from a small village
in the West Bank said, “it affects our life . . ., we hardly move. Always, we’re forced to stay home.
We can’t go whenever we want.” Because of its ambiguous and contested nature, the military
checkpoint is a flashpoint for resistance against Israeli occupation, representing a territorial
struggle that involves children and families.

Policies such as checkpoints and the wall contribute to what Halper (2000) has termed Israel’s
matrix of control, which uses territoriality to create artificial borders, limit movement within and
across borders, and effectively suppress everyday activities of the Palestinian people. Because of these
movement restrictions, Palestinian children and families experience difficulty accessing education,
employment, and medical care (Giacaman et al., 2009), as well as visiting family members who may
live in another area of the West Bank or East Jerusalem. Sanaa explained how she must travel a long
distance to get to and from her university, even though she only lives 10 minutes away: “Every day I
make a big circle to come here, because [of] the checkpoint, because [of] the wall. And they say, why
is it [a] bad life? I know!” Restricted mobility obviously has specific consequences for children and
their families living in contexts such as Palestine; when family members are suddenly separated from
one another by physical barriers, the family unit is undermined, and children’s protective social
environment and overall well-being are compromised.

As social workers continue to work with war-affected populations at home and abroad they must
consider the distinct intersection between children’s and families’ engagement with places, the
impact of this engagement on their understandings of place, and the political uses of space,
exemplified by the subconcept of territoriality. This intersection resonates with the human and
political geography literature, which has delved into the strong reciprocal entanglements among
people, place, and power (Pile & Keith, 1997; Sharp, Routledge, Philo, & Paddison, 2000). Findings
from this particular research project revealed that the nature of children’s and families’ interactions
and discourses with place conveyed a deep understanding of place. By integrating an understanding
of territoriality, social work is well-placed to better integrate solutions to improve the place-related
well-being of war-affected populations.

Discussion and conclusion: Conceptualizing the place of place in social work education

This article demonstrates that the geographical concept of place provides a nuanced lens for
considering the critical importance of the physical environment in daily human functioning.
Findings from research with older homeless adults, newcomer families, and war-affected children
and families provide evidence of how the physical environments of individuals and families hold
deep personal meaning. These populations have complex and contradictory relationships with their
environments. As social work attempts to address today’s pressing and complex social issues, the
concept of place offers a fresh perspective to better understand what helps and hinders well-being,
comfort, and security among the marginalized populations with which social workers interact.
Theories of place attachment, place identity, and territoriality indicate that changes in these
environments may have an impact on social, emotional, and physical functioning in a manner
that is equal to if not greater than changes in one’s social environment.

Social workers engaged in community and clinical practice can access concepts of place to deepen
our understanding of the diverse meanings and experiences different populations may have with

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 379

certain geographical locations. For example, conventional homes for older homeless people are not
always the ideal place for long-term homeless who have become attached to shelter life and consider
the shelter a home. Yet, recently homeless older adults resist forming attachment to shelters by
actively seeking housing and work with aims to exit homelessness as quickly as possible. Similarly,
for populations affected by war, home is not always a safe and protective environment (Akesson,
2014a). The home, despite potentially offering physical protection from violence in the surrounding
community can also be a site of neglect or family violence, an understanding of place that might not
be easily apparent to a social worker. Likewise, feeling a sense of belonging as an immigrant in a new
neighborhood or country depends on an ability to tolerate unfamiliar and at times threatening
sensory experiences while simultaneously recognizing sensory stimuli that have some commonality
with the past. This embodied sense of knowing is critical to locating oneself within a new environ-
ment. Over time a new hybrid place identity is fostered between home and host countries.

When we as social workers are so familiar with geography that we no longer have to reflect on
how to locate ourselves, we can forget the complex placed-based decisions needed to navigate daily
life. Questioning our own assumptions of place positions us to ask more nuanced questions of our
clients and to recognize potential barriers or resources that place provides to health and well-being.
To illustrate, we suggest incorporating questions such as those listed in Table 1 into assessment
models used in social work education. We suggest that these questions may stimulate thoughts in the
populations we work with, allowing them also to become conscious of place-based strategies that can
also be implemented to promote health and well-being. These questions are intended to complement
existing assessments used in social work practice and to widen the dialogue concerning the ecological
models used in social work education and intervention.

In the context of social work practice and education, these questions can be used to underscore
the connection people have with place.

As world populations are shifting at an increasingly rapid pace, whether moving to urban centers or
across borders, people’s relationship with place is constantly in transition. This conceptual article demon-
strates how place—and specifically place attachment, place identity, and territoriality—can enhance social
work education and shape and improve our understanding and interventions with diverse populations,
such as those who are marginalized. Ultimately, the concept of place provides a fresh avenue of inquiry to
advance our knowledge in social work education and practice. Incorporating the concept of place into
social work education will introduce broader definitions of the environment, which in turn will lead to
more holistic, client-centered interventions in social work practice.

Table 1. Place-based questions for social work assessment.

● What adjectives would you use to describe the physical aspects of your current living environment, what you call home, and
the environment that you move through or work in each day?

● What is the first thing that comes to your mind when you think of the aroma, sound, visual, tactile, and taste aspects of this
particular place (whichever may apply)?

● How does this environment make you feel?
● Which aspects of this environment contribute to a sense of feeling well? Which aspects would you describe as contributing to

stress?
● If you could change anything about this environment, what would it be? How did you arrive at this place (e.g., born here,

immigrated here, forced to relocate)?
● What were your hopes and expectations when you arrived at this place?
● Do you feel that you have enough places here where you feel comfortable and feel as if you belong here? Please explain.
● Does this place make you feel safe? Please explain.
● Do aspects of this place contribute to feelings of belonging in you and your family? What makes it difficult for you and your

family to feel like you belong to this place?
● What activities remind you and your family of different places? Do you and your family have adequate access to these

activities?
● Does this place contribute to your understanding of self, family, or community? Why or why not?

380 B. AKESSON ET AL.

Notes on contributors

Bree Akesson is an Assistant Professor at Wilfrid Laurier University’s Lyle S. Hallman Faculty of Social Work in
Ontario, Canada. Victoria Burns is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Institut National de la Recherche Scientifique
(INRS)–Urbanisation, Culture et Société (UCS) in Quebec, Canada. Shawn-Renee Hordyk is a Postdoctoral Research
Fellow at École de Psychoéducation, Université de Montréal in Quebec, Canada.

ORCID

Bree Akesson http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6760-7198

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• Abstract

Place in the history of social work
A brief overview of three subconcepts of place
Place attachment and place identity
Territoriality
The concept of place in social work research: Three examples from the field
Differing experiences of place attachment among older homeless adults in an urban context
Nature and urban place identity for immigrant families
The politics and power of territoriality for war-affected children and families
Discussion and conclusion: Conceptualizing the place of place in social work education
Notes on contributors
References