Hello is there anyone that can help me with my Discussion questions.  I have multiple discussion questions for different chapters. I will have the instruction in the upload. 

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Karl Marx and Pierre-Joseph proudhon, correspond,ence

Karl Marx was both a prolific political and economic theorist as well as a political militant, who corresponded
w_ith socialists and other p.olitical radicals throughout Europe. He, with Frie,drich Engels, was the authorof The
Communist Manifesto (ls+a|, a widely circulated polemical critique of the capitilist economic system, which
predicted the emergence of a revolutionary movement led by Europe’s indistriat worhing classes, Thi exchange of
letters with a prominent French socialist thinker, PierreJoseph Pr:oudhon, reveals disog’reements oiorg- roriitisi,
in Europe about the desirability of revolution, and Marx’s ideas about how rntellecluals such as hiiself might
participate in the revolutionary movement,

Brussels, 5 May 1846

IM:,,iit.t*:n:r
munists and socialists for a constant
interchange of letters which will be
devoted to discussing scientific ques-
tions, and to keeping an eye on popular
writings, and the socialist propaganda
that can be carried on in Germany by this
means. The chief aim of our correspo

n-

dence, however, will be to put the Ger-
man socialists in touch with the French
and English socialists; to keep foreign-
ers constantly informed of the social-
ist movements that occur in Germany
and to inform the Germans in Germany
of the progress of socialism in France

and England. ln this way differences of
opinion can be brought to light and an
exchange of ideas and impartial criticism
can take place. lt will be a step made by
the social movement in its literary mani-
festation to rid itself of the barriers of
nationality. And when the moment for
action comes, it will clearly be much to
everyone’s advantage to be acquainted
with the state of affairs abroad as well
as at home.

Our correspondence will embrace
not only the communists in Germany,
but also the German socialists in paris
and London. Our relations with England
have already been established. So far as
France is concerned, we all of us believe

that we could find no better cor
dent than yoursell As you know,
English and Germans have hitherto
mated you more highly than have yo
own compatriots

So it is, you see, simply a question
establishing a regular corresp
and ensuring that it has the means
keep abreast of the social movement
the different countries, and to
a rich and varied interest, such
never be achieved by the work of
singleperson….

Yours most sincerely
Karl IVarx

Source: Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Collected
Worhs, vol.38 (New York: 1982), pp 38-40,

ciosed it down and sent Marx into exile-firSt to paris, then
Brussels, and eventually London.

While in Paris, Marx studied early socialist theory,
economics, and the history of the French Revolution. He
also began a lifelong intellectual and political parrnership
with Friedrich Engels (1820-1895). Engeis was rhe son of a
textile manufacturer from the German Rhineland. His par_
ents had sent him to learn business with a merchant firm in
Manchester, one o[ the cenrers of England,s Industrial Rev_
olution (see Chapter 19). Engels worked in the family busi_

ness unril 1870, but this did nor prevenr him from ta
up his pen ro denounce rhe miserable working and living
conditions in Manchester and what he saw as the system-
atrc inequalitie s of capitalism. (He published The Condition
,f the Worhing Classes in England in 1844.) Marx and
joined a small international group o[ radical artisans
the League of the Just, renamed the Communtsr
in 1847. The league asked Marx to drafrt a statement of its

680 | cHAprER 2o rhe Age of ld”eologies: Europe in the AJtermath of Revolution 1815-1848

I

principles, which was published in IB4B as The Communist
Man{esto, with Engels listed as coauthor. i

,17 May 1846

y dear Monsieur Marx,
I am happy to become i

recipient of your correspon-
whose goal and organization seem
to be very useful. I cannot promise

you at length or often, however;
many occupations and my natural

will not permit such epistolary
I would also like to take the lib-

of expressing several reservations
a few of the passages in your letter,

[ . . . ] I believe that it is my duty,
duty of all socialists, to maintain
time being a skeptical or critical
ive, in a word, I claim [in mat-

economics] an almost absolute

us search together, if you wish,
of society, and the ways that

laws make themselves felt, and the
of development that allows us to
them; but by God, after having

all the a priori dogmatisms,
not dream of then indoctrinating

ourselves, do not fall into the
ction faced by your com-

Martin Luther, who after hav-
iown Catholic theology, set

about at once excommunicating others,
in order to found a Protestant theology.

[ ] | applaud with all my heart your
idea of bringing forth all possible opin-
ions; let us therefore pursue a good and
loyal argument; let us offer the world an
example of a wise and perceptive tolera-
tion, but we should not, simply because
we are the leaders of a movement, seek
to pose as the apostles of a new religion,
even if this religion is that of logic, of rea-
son. Under these terms, I am happy to
join your association, but if not-then Nol

I would also like to comment on these
words inyour I etler : At the m om ent of action.
You may still think that no reform is possi-
ble at present without a bold stroke, with-
out what was formerly called a revolution

[ . . . ] Having myself held this opinion for
a long time, I confess now that my more
recent works have made me revisit this
idea completely. I believe that we do.not
need [a revolution] to succeed, because
this alleged solution would simply be an
appeal to force, to something arbitrary, in
short, a contradiction. I see the problem
like this: to find a t’orm of economic combina-
tion that would restore to society the wealth

that has been tahen t’rom it by anothdr form
of economic combrnation. ln other words,
[ ] to turn Property against Property, in
such a way as to establish what you Ger-
man socialists call community, and which I
limit myself to callingliberty, equality.[. . .l
I prefer to burn Property with a slow fuse,
rather than to give it new energy by mas-
sacring the property owners.

Your very devoted

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon

Source: P.-J. Proudhon, Am6d6e J616me,
Correspondance de P.-J. Proudhon (Paris: 1875),
pp 198-200.

Questions for Analysis
?. What is the purpose of the network of

correspondents that l\rlarx was invit-
ing Proudhon to join? Why did Marx
believe it necessary to overcome “the
barriers of nationality”T

2. Why does Proudhon compare Marx’s
analysis of “scientific questions” or,’the
laws of society” to religious dogmas?

3. Why does Proudhon reject Marxt
assumptlon that a revolution is neces-
sary? What alternative does he propose?

The Communist Manit’esto laid out Marx’s theory of his-
in short form. From Hegel, Marx imported the view

as a dynamic process, with an inner logic, mov-
toward human freedom. (This is a good example of
larger influence of conservarive historical thinking.) In
:i’s view, the historical process did not unfold in any

and predictable way; instead, history proceeded
.ily,” or through conflict. He saw this conflicr

one between ideas: a “thesis” produced an ,,antithe-

,” and the clash between the two created a distinctive

and new “synthesis.” ln a classic example, Hegel posited
that the narural but iimited freedom of the savage (the-
sis) encounrered its opposite (antithesis) in the constraints
imposed on rhe individual by the family and the devel_
oping institutions of civil society. The result of this clash
was a new and superior freedom (synthesis), the freedom
of individuals within society, prorected by moral customs,
law, and the state.

Marx applied Hegel’s dialectic, or theory o[ conflict, to
history in a different way. He did not begin with ideas, as

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READ THESE GUIDELINE5!

Completion: Students ore responsible for completing all fourt een of these primory
source exercises ond for onswering oll guesfions in o given exercise. Posts will be
groded for guolity ond length. No lote posts will beaccepted.

Formot: Complel e sentences ond occurote grommor are required. ff you do use
direct guototions, you must provide proper in-text citotions – see our oddendum
for detoils.

Originolity: Do not repeot the some informotion onother student hos olreody
posted – odd something new to secure os mony points os possiblel Breoking ground
eorly moy be odvontogeous. Eleventh hour posts thot simply restote moterial
olreody discussed will not secure the highest scores. Cutting ond posting from on
internet source does not guolify os completing an exetcise.

Student Replies: Replying to, or oddressing,onother student’s post is encouroged
ond is o gneot woy to moke certoin you’re not simply nepeoting informotion ond

losing points for redundoncy. Respectful debate is welcomed.

Word Count: Posts must meet the 2OO-word minimum to eorno possing score
(“C”). Quolity posts thot exceed this minimum length will secure points thot
proportionolity exceed the minimum possing grode. For instonce, quolity posts of
300 words or more eorn “B’s” while guolity posts of 400 words or more secure
“A’s.” But guolity is better than guontity! 5o o greot post with 200 words will do
well. This is not on occosion for tersereplies. Contextuolize the guestions inyour
chopter reodings.

Lgos Kossuth on Democracy and Hungarian Nationalism

Lalos (Louis) Kossuth (1802- 1894) was a lawyer and journalist who em as a leader of Hungarian nationalists inerged
the Austrian Habsburg E,mpire during the 1848 revolution. He briefly became the governor of an independent
government but was t’orced to f lee when Russlan armies, supporting the Austrian Habsburgs, put an end to the
revolution. At’ter a short stay in Turhey, the U nited States government invited Kossuth to visit. During his visit to
United States, he embarhed on a successful speaking tour in which he was celebrated as a fervent supporter ofThis text comes t’rom a speech he made bet’ore a banquet ot’ journalists in New york City.

! ut happy art thou, free
i nation of America,
! founded on the only
! solid basis, -libertyl
! 1… ] Tyrantsare not in

common freedom or common oppres

–

sion: -all this enters into the complex
idea of Nationality.

That this is instinctively felt by the
common sense of the people, nowhere
is more manifestly shown than at this
moment in my native land. Hungary was
declared by Francis-Joseph of Austria no
more to exist as a Nation, no more as a
state. lt was and is put under martial law.
Strangers, aliens to our laws and history
as well as to our tongue, rule now where
our fathers lived and our brothers bled.
To be a Hungarian is become almost a
crime in our own native land. Well: to
justify before the world the extinction of
Hungary, the partition of its territory
and the reincorporating of the dissected
limbs into the common body of servi-
tude, the treacherous dynasty was anx-
ious. to show that the Hungarians are in a
minority in their own land. They hoped
that intimidation and terrorism would
induce even the very Magyars to dis-
avow their language and birth. They
ordered a census of races to be made.
They performed it with the iron rule of
martial law; and dealt so arbitrarily that
thousands of women and men, who pro-
fessed to be Magyars, who professed
not to know any other language than the
I\z1agyar, were, notwithstanding all their
protestations, put down as Sclaves [sic],
Serbs, Germans, or Wallachians, because
their names had not quite a Hungarian

sound. And still wh at was the issue
this malignant plot? That of the
millions of inhabitants of H
proper, the Magyars turned out to
more than eight millions, some two
lions more than we know the case
is. The people instinctively felt that
tyrant had the design through the
text of language to destroy the
of the complex nation, and it met
tyrannic plot as if it answered, ,,We

and must be, a nation; and if the
takes language only for the mark
nationality, then we are all Magyars.,,

the midst of you to throw the apple of
discord and raise hatred in this national
family, -hatred of races, that curse of
humanity, that venomous ally of despo-
tism. Glorious it is to see the oppressed
of diverse countries, -diverse in lan-
guage, history, habits, -wandering to
these shores and becoming members
of this great nation, regenerated by the
principle of common liberty.

lf language alone makes a nation,
then there is no great nation on earth:
for there is no country whose popula-
tion is counted by millions, but speaks
more than one language. No! lt is not
language only. Community of interests,
of rights, of duties, of history but chiefly
community of institutions; by which a
population, varying perhaps in tongue
and race, is bound together through
daily”infercourse in the towns, which are
the centers and home of commerce and
industry: -besides these, the very
mountain-ranges, the system of rivers
and streams, -the soil, the dust of which
is mingled with the mortal remains of
those ancestors who bled on the same
field, for the same interests, the com-
mon inheritance of glory and of woe, the
community of laws and institutions,

Source: Francis W. Newman, ed.,Speechesof
Kossuth (London: Trubner, 1853), pp.62-65.

Questions for Analysis
7. What does Kossuth admire about

political culture of the United

2. How does he define a ,,nation,,?

does he reject using language as
primary criterion for determir
membership in a nation?

3. What does Kossuth’s example
national census taken by the
government tell us about the
kinds of institutions that
states developed in response
rise of nationalism?

706 I cHnnrrn zr Reyolutions and Nation Building, lg4L_jg7 j

–

An alyzing Primary Sources