Article Critique

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I. Research Question  What was the research question(s) or hypothesis (es) and why was the study  needed? Assess how well the authors review previous research on the topic and  provide a context for the need for the study. 

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II. Research Design What were the research design and methods? Assess the extent to which the research design and methods were able to answer the research question or hypothesis. Consider any alternative designs and methods that could also be used to answer the research question or hypothesis. What statistical analysis was used and how were they used to describe the results. 

III. Participants Who is the study about? Consider the following questions: how were the participants recruited, who may have been excluded from the study and how might that affect the findings? Were the participants studied in real-life circumstances? 

IV. Findings Do you agree with the author’s interpretation of the findings? Why or why not? Consider the following questions: are there other interpretations that should have been included? Were the limitations of the study adequately discussed?

 V. Contribution to Knowledge Was the study original and how does it contribute to knowledge on this topic? Consider the following questions: does the study approach the topic in a new or innovative way? Is the study larger, or continued for a longer period of time than other studies? Are the methods more rigorous or address shortcomings of other studies? 

Social Work Education, 2016
Vol. 35, no. 1, 78–

88

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02615479.2015.1118451

© 2015 taylor & Francis

Stress, Anxiety, Resilience and Coping in Social Work Students
(A Study from India)

Selwyn Stanleya and G. Mettilda Bhuvaneswarib

aFaculty of Education, Health & Wellbeing, university of Wolverhampton, Wolverhampton, uk; bdepartment
of Social Work, cauvery college for Women, tiruchirappalli, india

Social work is a rewarding but stressful occupation (Coffey, Samuel, Collins, & Morris, 2014;
Collins, 2008). Social work is a high-stress profession that involves working with people in
distressing circumstances such as victims of abuse, domestic violence, substance misuse,
crime and other complex life situations. In recent years the profession has been under
intense media scrutiny and social workers have had to work under increasing organisational
constraints, budgetary limitations, the increasing need for services, unmanageable case-
loads, changing policies and legislations adding to the pressure under which social workers
operate. Not surprising then that according to Michael Wilshaw, the average career span of a
social worker in the UK is only 8 years (Coughlan, 2013). Stress has long been regarded as an
integral part of social work practice with many contributing factors, including dealing with
people under stress and stress arising from organisational and political contexts (Thompson,
Murphy, & Stradling, 1994). Several studies have looked at issues relating to stress (e.g.
Coyle, Edwards, Hannigan, Fothergill, & Burnard, 2005), resilience, job satisfaction, burn
out (e.g. Evans et al., 2006) and coping (e.g. Collins, 2008) in professional social workers.

However not much attention has been paid to study similar issues in students of social
work and most of the literature in this regard has emerged from the experiences of students

ABSTRACT
Social work is a stressful occupation but continues to attract large
numbers of students every year. This study was conducted by
undergraduate students of all three cohorts at a women’s-only college
in Tiruchirapalli in South India (N = 73). Standardised instruments to
assess stress, anxiety, resilience and coping were administered. It was
seen that anxiety and stress levels were relatively higher in the first-
and third-year students while compared to those in the second year of
their course, while resilience and coping was relatively low in the first-
year group. Correlations were significantly positive for the stress and
anxiety scores as well as the coping and resilience scores. However,
it was seen that only the anxiety scores significantly predicted the
manifestation of stress in the students.

  • Implications
  • of the findings
    and the limitations of the study have also been discussed.

    KEYWORDS
    Social work students; social
    work education; anxiety;
    stress; resilience; coping

    ARTICLE HISTORY
    received 24 June 2015
    accepted 5 november 2015

    CONTACT Selwyn Stanley selwyn.stanley@wlv.ac.uk

    mailto:selwyn.stanley@wlv.ac.uk

    SoCIal Work EduCaTIon 79

    in developed Western societies. Given the rigorous nature of training and high expectations
    associated with professional conduct and value-based practice makes social work education
    a demanding task for those who opt to choose social work as a career. A brief review of this
    literature indicates that students of social work show high levels of psychological distress
    (Tobin & Carson, 1994). Often this could be due to being exposed to issues of poverty, child
    abuse, discrimination and cycles of hopelessness (Koeske & Koeske, 1991) associated with
    the nature of the profession. For many these are first-time encounters with such real-life
    situations and could be a hard-hitting experience. Rigorous academic demands, coursework,
    assessments and having to meet deadlines add to the pressure on students along with the
    intense demands of meeting agency requirements while on placement. Stressors associated
    with field placements have been well documented (Goldblatt & Buchbinder, 2003; Razack,
    2001; Weaver, 2000). In addition, many social work students in countries like the UK tend
    to be mature learners, with families to take care of as well as childcare responsibilities and
    need to balance the demands of domestic and academic life (Collins, Coffey and Morris,
    2010). Added to this are the huge loans that students often incur to fund their education
    and living expenses.

    These issues have not been investigated comprehensively in India where there are sev-
    eral Universities and affiliated colleges offering undergraduate and postgraduate courses in
    social work and the latter far outnumber the undergraduate courses. The Indian educational
    scenario is quite different from that in the West. Students fresh out of school seek admission
    in higher education in universities and colleges before moving into the employment sector.
    As such those entering undergraduate courses (including social work) are predominantly in
    the 17–18-year age group with hardly any life experience unlike their western counterparts
    who bring with them some work/life experience when they start higher education. Expenses
    on education are met by parents even if educational loans are availed for their children.

    The social work curriculum also requires students to study additional ‘mandatory’ sub-
    jects such as English and the vernacular or other optional subjects. Field placements usually
    are offered in the final year of the degree and tend to be quite intense involving weekly report
    writing and meeting curricular expectations relating to practicing methods of social work
    (such as casework, group work and community development activities) with individuals,
    groups and communities. Placements are usually with third-sector agencies involved with
    developmental activities in villages and slum communities. The lack of trained social work-
    ers in many placement agencies puts the onus of supervision largely on academic tutors to
    whom students are assigned for the duration of the placement. While the theoretical con-
    tent is similar to what is taught in the west, the emphasis on reflective practice emphasised
    in the west, is not something which undergraduate students in India are well acquainted
    with. Assessments are through mid-term and end-of-term/semester examinations and the
    emphasis is on ‘knowledge’ and being able to present their reading in these written exam-
    inations which usually last for 3 h and are marked not by their subject teacher but usually
    by a pool of anonymous examiners. Added to this is the awareness that at the end of three
    intense years of study they will be entering a profession that is neither as remunerative as
    other vocations, nor enjoys the kind of social standing, acceptance or recognition that other
    professions do. The complexity of being a social work student in India or elsewhere hence
    is undoubtedly an immense stressor and requires a great deal of resilience and coping skills
    to meet the demands of academia.

    80 S. STanlEy and G. METTIlda BHuvanESWarI

    However there has hardly been any research on the experience of undergraduate social
    work students in India. A search of publications on these issues relating to social work
    students in India turned up only one publication which compared undergraduate students
    of social work from the UK with those from colleges in south India on issues relating to
    stress, support and well-being (Coffey et al., 2014). The study found that British students
    reported significantly higher levels of demands and significantly lower levels of support but
    manifested significantly higher levels of well-being than their Indian counterparts.

    Anxiety has been defined as ‘an unpleasant emotional state or condition which is char-
    acterised by subjective feelings of tension, apprehension and worry, and by activation or
    arousal of the autonomic nervous system’ (Spielberger, 1972, p. 482). Stress has been defined
    as a ‘particular relationship between the person and the environment that is appraised by
    person as taxing or exceeding his or her resources and endangering his or her well-being’
    (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984, p. 19). Both individual and contextual factors influence the expe-
    rience of stress, as well as the individual’s cognitive perception and behavioural responses to
    the perceived stressor. Anxiety then is an aversive emotional state that one may experience
    when faced with a stressful situation. Related to the experience of stress and anxiety is the
    ability to deal or cope with the perceived stressor. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) define coping
    as ‘constantly changing cognitive and behavioural efforts to manage specific external and/
    or internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the person’
    (p. 141). Resilience is seen as a characteristic that enables individuals not only to overcome
    adversity but also to thrive when facing a crisis (Richardson, 2002). It refers to ‘the potential
    to exhibit resourcefulness by using available internal and external resources in response to
    different contextual and developmental challenges’ (Pooley & Cohen, 2010, p. 34).

    This study seeks to explore the experience of undergraduate work students from India in
    terms of the anxiety and stress experienced by them as well as to ascertain their resilience
    and extent of coping that they bring to dealing with these issues. As far as we are aware this
    is the first study which has dealt with such variables and compares their manifestation in
    students across all three years of their degree. Another unique feature of this study is that
    the respondents have been drawn from an undergraduate social work programme run by
    a college exclusively for women.

  • Objectives of the Study
  • (1) To portray the socio-demographic profile of undergraduate students of social work
    in a women’s college in Tiruchirappalli, India.

    (2) To assess the manifestation of dimensions such as stress, anxiety, resilience and
    coping in these students.

    (3) To compare students of different stages/years of their degree course across these
    dimensions.

    (4) To ascertain correlations if any between these subject dimensions and with
    socio-demographic variables.

    (5) To identify which of the subject dimensions studied predict stress levels in the
    respondents.

    SoCIal Work EduCaTIon 81

  • Methods
  • Research Design

    The study used survey methodology for data collection and is cross-sectional in nature. A
    descriptive design that includes elements of a comparative nature to enable comparisons
    among different categories of respondents as well as between year groups of students has
    also been followed.

    Measures

    (1) Self-prepared schedule to collect socio-demographic data.
    (2) Anxiety and stress subscales of the Depression, Anxiety and Stress scales (DASS 21)

    Lovibond and Lovibond (1995) were administered to the respondents. They were
    required to rate each item on a scale from 0 to 1 based on whether the statement
    applied to them or not. Higher scores reflect higher levels of stress and anxiety.

    (3) The Connor–Davidson Resilience scale (2003) (CD-RISC) comprises 25 items, each
    rated on a 5-point scale (0–4), with higher scores reflecting greater resilience. It
    measures the notion of personal competence, high standards, and tenacity, toler-
    ance of negative affect, the positive acceptance of change, and secure relationships,
    control and spiritual influences.

    (4) Coping was assessed with the Brief Cope Scale (Carver, 1997) and has 26 items
    that measure aspects such as: Self-distraction, Venting, Active coping, Positive
    reframing, Denial, Planning, Self-blame, Use of emotional support, Humour, Use
    of instrumental support, Acceptance, Behavioural disengagement and Religion.

    Setting for the Study

    Tamilnadu is the southernmost state in India and shares its borders with the adjacent states
    of Kerala and Karnataka. The state capital is Chennai (formerly Madras) and the vernacular
    spoken in the state is Tamil which has a rich Dravidian heritage. As per details from Census
    2011, Tamil Nadu has a population of 7.21 crores, and forms 5.96% of the total population
    of India with a sex ratio of 996. The population density is 1437 to a square mile and the
    overall literacy rate for the state is 80.09%. Tiruchirappalli, also known as Trichy or Tiruchi
    was known as Trichinopoly in colonial times and is geographically located almost centrally
    in the state. It is located on the banks of the river Cauvery and is a major hub for the Indian
    Railways and also a leading centre for education.

    Cauvery College is a college for women and a leading provider of higher education in
    the city. It is a self-financing college (receives no Government funds) that was established
    in 1984 and is run by a private educational trust. It is an arts and science college affiliated
    to the Bharathidasan University and offers fourteen undergraduate three-year degree pro-
    grammes and nine two-year postgraduate courses including social work at both levels. The
    college caters to about 4000 students at all levels.

    82 S. STanlEy and G. METTIlda BHuvanESWarI

    Data Collection

    Permission for the study was obtained from the Principal of the college and was cleared
    by the ethics review panel of the institution. Students in each year (stages 1, 2 and 3) of
    the social work undergraduate degree were briefed about the nature of the study. It was
    emphasised that participation was entirely voluntary and that they could stop filling up the
    questionnaires at any point without assigning any reasons and would not be contacted again.
    They were also told that their non-participation or discontinuation would in no way have
    any influence on their academic life in the college. Informed consent was obtained from
    students of each year group who turned up for being enlisted as respondents for the study.
    Data was collected on predetermined dates at the beginning of the academic year in June
    2014, collectively from each year group by the second author who was available during the
    session for any clarifications relating to the items of the questionnaires. Respondents were
    not required to provide their name, roll number or any other personal identifying data.

    Respondents of the Study

    Data were collected from 73 students who offered to participate and turned up for data
    collection and details of students enrolled in each year as well as those enlisted for the study
    are presented in Table 1.

  • Results
  • Socio-demographic Profile of Respondents

    The mean age of the respondents was 18.59 and ranged from 16 to 24 years, the majority
    (68.5%) being in the 18–19-year age group. The vast majority came from Hindu families
    (90.4%) and the remaining from a Christian background. The majority (68.5%) of students
    came from a rural background and from nuclear families (83.6%). 43.8% of them had only
    one sibling and 46.6% were the eldest child in the family. The vast majority (79.5%) had
    previously gone to schools where the medium of instruction was Tamil (vernacular) and
    the remaining had attended English medium schools. The majority of these schools (57.5%)
    were located in rural areas. The majority of students during their school days (78.1%) as
    well as currently in college (64.4%) lived with their parents and the remaining stayed/were
    staying in student hostels. Educational background of parents was considerably low with the
    majority of parents having studied at different levels up to higher secondary school. 2.7%
    of fathers and 15% of mothers had never been to school. The father was the main bread-
    winner in most families and the majority (50.7%) were engaged in farming or employed as
    casual labourers (called ‘coolie’ in the vernacular), while the majority (76.7%) of mothers
    were homemakers and not in paid employment. The reported total monthly family income

    Table 1. table depicting the number of Students Enrolled and Enlisted for the Study.

    year/stage of study Students enrolled respondents
    1 39 34
    2 32 22
    3 28 17
    total 99 73

    SoCIal Work EduCaTIon 83

    ranged from Rupees 1000 to 70,000 with a mean of Rupees 11,100 (approx. 178 USD) per
    month. The socio-demographic profile reflects a lower middle-class background with low
    parental levels of education and income.

    Regarding their motivation to do a social work degree the majority reported it was
    encouragement received from family and friends (56%) and 30% said they were influenced
    by their former teachers. The majority (84%) said their career aspiration was to become
    a social worker/counsellor with others wanting to join other professions. 98.6% felt that
    they had made the right choice of joining this degree and used words like happy (16.4%),
    interesting (27.4%) and useful (24.7%) when asked their opinion about the course. When the
    2nd- and 3rd-year students were asked if the course had changed them in any way, some of
    the responses received were that it had increased their awareness of social problems (23%);
    they had started helping others (24%), and that it had changed their behaviour (13%) and
    attitude (8%) towards others; however, 24% felt that the course had not brought about any
    significant change in them.

    Stress, Anxiety, Resilience and Coping

    Table 2 shows the extent to which students of all three years manifested the subject
    dimensions.

    Table 2 shows that stress and anxiety levels are high in newly admitted students (1st year)
    and highest in 3rd-year students but lower in students in their 2nd year. However, both
    resilience and coping scores increase with the year of study being lowest in the 1st year and
    highest in the final year of the course.

    Table 2. distribution of respondents by Mean Scores on Subject dimensions and Year of Study.

    year of study Stress anxiety resilience Coping
    1 8.56 8.85 64.32 65.79
    2 4.94 6.59 69.82 68.00
    3 11.82 12.55 74.68 75.27

    Table 3. one Way analysis of Variance based on Year of Study for all Subject dimension.

    variable Source df Sum of squares Mean square F p
    Stress Between groups 2 454.77 227.39 21.04 0.000

    Within groups 70 756.60 10.81
    total 72 1211.37

    anxiety Between groups 2 362.13 181.07 11.18 0.000
    Within groups 70 1133.84 16.20
    total 72 1495.97

    resilience Between groups 2 1459.84 729.92 3.46 0.037
    Within groups 70 14770.68 211.01
    total 72 16230.52

    coping Between groups 2 1230.10 615.05 8.05 0.001
    Within groups 70 5349.92 76.43
    total 72 6580.02

    84 S. STanlEy and G. METTIlda BHuvanESWarI

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    SoCIal Work EduCaTIon 85

    One Way Analysis of Variance

    In the next phase of analysis, students of all three years were compared with regard to the
    subject dimensions using one way analysis of variance, results of which are presented in
    Table 3. The results indicate significant statistical differences on all the subject dimensions
    based on their year of study. Post hoc Scheffe analyses reveal that the differences were sig-
    nificant between all the three cohorts (1st- & 2nd-year; 2nd- & 3rd-year as well as 1st- &
    3rd-year students) for the stress, anxiety as well as coping scores. However, for the resilience
    scores the difference was statistically significant only for the 1st- and 3rd-year students (but
    not between 1st- & 2nd-year or 2nd- & 3rd-year students).

    t Test Comparisons

    Students were then compared based on differences in socio-demographic variables such
    as rural/urban background; medium of instruction prior to joining the social work degree
    (in school) and whether they were hostellers or day scholars. t Test results in Table 4 show
    no significant differences among respondents differentiated on these variables (N = 73).

    Correlational Analysis

    Pearsons correlation coefficients were computed among the subject dimensions studied as
    well as with other numerical background variables such as age, duration of parents’ edu-
    cation and their income. The inter-correlation matrix (Table 5) shows highly significant
    positive correlations between the anxiety and stress scores as well as the resilience and
    coping scores for all students. Significant correlations are also seen between the stress and
    coping scores as well. In terms of background factors there is a significant positive correla-
    tion between the age of the students’ and coping (r = 0.27; p < 0.05). A negative correlation was seen between fathers’ education (number of years) and students’ anxiety (r = −0.27; p < 0.05) and their mothers’ income and stress levels (r = −0.25; p < 0.05). However fathers’ income, mothers’ education, number of siblings or students’ birth order did not enter into any significant correlations with any of the subject dimensions.

    Multiple Regression Analysis

    A multiple regression was conducted to see if anxiety, resilience and level of coping predicted
    the manifestation of stress in the respondents. Using the enter method it was found from the
    ANOVA table that resilience, coping and anxiety levels explained a significant amount of
    the variance (47%) in the manifestation of stress in the students (F (3, 62) = 20.22, p < 0.001,

    Table 5. inter-correlation Matrix for Subject dimensions.

    *p < 0.05. **p < 0.001.

    dimensions Stress anxiety resilience Coping
    Stress 1 0.68** 0.16 0.20*
    anxiety 0.68** 1 0.19 0.18
    resilience 0.16 0.19 1 0.48**
    coping 0.20* 0.18 0.48** 1

    86 S. STanlEy and G. METTIlda BHuvanESWarI

    R2 = 0.47, R2
    Adjusted

     = 0.45). The analysis also showed that resilience (β = 0.02, t (69) = 0.14 ns)
    and coping (β  =  0.09, t (69) = 0.92  ns) did not significantly predict the manifestation of
    stress. However the level of anxiety significantly did predict the level of stress experienced
    by the respondents (β = 0.67, t (69) = 7.40, p < 0.001).

    Implications

    The findings suggest that both 1st- and 3rd-year social work undergraduate students need
    extra measures to deal with the anxiety and stress that they experience. For 1st-year stu-
    dents this means that conscious attention needs to be paid during the induction of students
    as soon as they enrol on the programme. At present this is not being done in a planned
    manner to brief students about the nature of the course, the institutional ethos, the subjects
    that they will be taught and aspects relating to assignments, examinations, evaluation and
    other academic requirements. They also need to be made aware of various institutional
    procedures, infrastructure and support systems available to them. A one-week ‘induction
    programme’ could be planned by the department to orient the freshers about these issues. It
    is also suggested that the academic lead (staff member) for the 1st-year cohort should meet
    with the whole group at least once a month to enable students to vocalise their difficulties
    and to seek clarification on various issues that they perceive to be difficult. Student tutorials
    are a practice that could immensely benefit students in the first year and the department
    may consider assigning four or five students to a named tutor who has weekly/fortnightly
    meetings with these students, enables them to share their anxieties and to seek support and
    clarification from their tutor.

    Final-year students could also benefit from such support systems (tutor groups, monthly
    cohort meetings) being put into place. Their anxieties usually revolve around clearing their
    final examination and any arrears (examinations not passed in the previous years) that add
    to their academic baggage, anxieties relating to whether to pursue a postgraduate degree
    or to explore vocational options. Social work is not seen as a remunerative career option
    and the pressure to economically contribute to one’s family of origin, which has funded
    their education, is often an issue for many first-generation learners. The title of ‘social
    worker’ is not protected by statute and there is increasing competition in the employment
    market from students from allied disciplines. Most social work students will eventually
    find employment in the private/voluntary sector which is a thriving but largely unregulated
    area of employment. A series of sessions inviting well-placed alumni of the department to
    share experiences with students in the final year will serve as a morale booster. Many of
    them would be under pressure from their families to get married on course completion.
    Completion of higher education is frequently perceived as a milestone, the attainment of
    which is often indicative that women are ready for marriage unless they have serious career
    intentions. A personal tutor assigned to them will enable them to better navigate difficulties
    and anxieties in their personal and academic lives.

  • Limitations
  • The absence of a comparative group of non-social work students from other degree
    programmes limit drawing inferences relating whether the manifestation of the subject

    SoCIal Work EduCaTIon 87

    dimensions on the social work degree is relatively ‘high’ or ‘low’ when compared to students
    from other degree programmes.

    The cross-sectional nature of the study does not provide an insight if the dimensions
    studied increase or decrease over time as students progress from one year to the next of
    their degree.

    A major limitation in terms of statistical analyses is that it does not take into consider-
    ation how life experiences have shaped the personality of individuals which could have a
    major impact in how resilience develops and influences perceptions relating to life events
    and stressors.

    Features unique to the design and delivery of taught content as well as those that arise
    from the placement experiences of students owing to contextual factors limit the generali-
    sation of findings to other undergraduate social work programmes in India and elsewhere.

    As the respondents were drawn from a women’s college only, it is not possible to say
    whether the experiences of students in colleges for men only or in co-educational institu-
    tions is similar.

  • Conclusion
  • This study compared students across three years of their undergraduate social work degree
    in a women’s college in Trichy, Tamil Nadu, India. In spite of the limitations pointed out
    earlier, this study adds to the extant literature on undergraduate social work student expe-
    riences in India. It shows that entrants to the degree and those in the final year of their
    course experience more stress and anxiety when compared to students in the second year.
    For students in the first year of study this could be owing to uncertainties relating to the
    ‘newness’ of their programme of study and the nature of the programme which is quite
    ‘different’ from conventional academic degrees. For third-year students, this could be due
    to anxieties relating to employment and career. Also for many women students’ getting a
    college degree is also seen as the right time to get married and start a family and there could
    be anxieties relating to this. The findings of the study point towards the need to provide
    additional support services for students to deal with their personal situation and experiences
    of student life. This is particularly important to strengthen coping strategies, providing them
    with opportunities for ventilation, provision of guidance and psychological support and to
    thereby enable them to manage their anxieties in a more appropriate manner.

  • Acknowledgement
  • The authors thank the Principal (Dr. V. Sujatha) and the Head of the Social Work Department
    (Dr. G. Kanaga) of Cauvery College for Women, Tiruchirappalli, India for enabling the execution
    of this study.

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    http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/education-24533502

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    individual use.

    • Abstract
    • Objectives of the Study
      Methods
      Research Design
      Measures
      Setting for the Study
      Data Collection
      Respondents of the Study
      Results
      Socio-demographic Profile of Respondents
      Stress, Anxiety, Resilience and Coping
      One Way Analysis of Variance
      t Test Comparisons
      Correlational Analysis
      Multiple Regression Analysis
      Implications
      Limitations
      Conclusion
      Acknowledgement
      References

    Imagining Social Work: A Qualitative
    Study of Students’ Perspectives on
    Social Work in China
    Miu Chung Yan, Zhong-Ming Ge, Sheng-Li Cheng &
    A. Ka Tat Tsang

    Social work education in China has expanded rapidly since it was reintroduced in 1988.

    This has led to a growing body of English language literature on the development of social

    work education in China. However, thus far, this literature lacks an empirical

    foundation and little research on students’ perspectives has been done. To fill this gap,

    this paper reports on a qualitative study of a group of graduating social work students

    (n532) from four social work programmes in Jinan, the provincial capital of the

    Shandong Province. Three major findings are reported. Firstly, the students liken their

    social work learning experience to a roller coaster ride with many ups and downs.

    Secondly, the cultural compatibility of western social work in China has not yet been

    conclusively established, while an ‘indigenized’ social work needs to be compatible with

    Chinese family values, referred to as ‘familism’ in direct Chinese to English translation,

    and with the dominant socialist political ideology. Thirdly, the future of social work is

    bright given increasing government support for its development.

    Keywords: China; Social Work Education; Indigenization; Cultural Compatibility;

    Social Work Students

    Introduction

    Since its reintroduction in 1988, social work education in China has evolved from

    four to 200 programmes in 2007. This significant increase has gradually drawn

    attention from the international social work community as reflected in the literature

    Miu Chung Yan, University of British Columbia, Canada, Zhong-Ming Ge & Sheng-Li Cheng, Shangdong University,

    China & A. Ka Tat Tsang, University of Toronto, Canada.

    Correspondence to: Dr Miu Chung Yan, University of British Columbia, School of Social Work, 2080 West Mall,

    Vancouver, British Columbia V6T 1Z2, Canada. Email: miu.yan@ubc.ca

    Social Work Education
    Vol. 28, No. 5, August 2009, pp. 528–543

    ISSN 0261-5479 print/1470-1227 online # 2009 Taylor & Francis
    DOI: 10.1080/02615470802368959

    published in Anglo–American academic journals (e.g. Leung, 1994; Yao, 1995; Ngai,

    1996; Tsang and Yan, 2001; Xia and Guo, 2002; Yuen-Tsang, 2002; Chi, 2005; Ku

    et al., 2005; Yan and Tsang, 2005; Yan and Cheung, 2006; Wong and Pearson, 2007;

    Yip, 2007). Meanwhile, another publication of an edited volume of 46 papers, of

    which 24 were written by scholars from Mainland China, presented at an

    international symposium (Tsang et al., 2004) has also raised awareness among the

    international community wanting a ‘snapshot’ of the development of social work

    education in China. In brief, it is not uncommon to find explanations in this evolving

    literature as to why social work as a social mechanism of helping has resurfaced in

    China in the last two decades since economic reform was introduced. In this

    literature, three mutually informing sets of issues have drawn a great deal of attention

    from authors. The first set of issues relates to the cultural and political compatibility

    of western social work—its individualistic values and central concern with human

    rights and social justice—to China. These authors question whether, as a western

    social construct, the Judeo–Christian based social work values and principles are

    compatible with traditional Chinese culture. Secondly, questions are raised as to the

    way in which the democratic and social justice principles of western social work

    might be understood in the Chinese political reality. Thirdly, questions are raised as

    to the role that social work could or should play in China given that the political

    agenda is overwhelmingly focused on social stability and economic prosperity. The

    second set of issues largely reflects the existing limitations of social work education in

    China, such as lack of qualified social work educators, teaching materials, and field

    practice opportunities, and the third, the future of social work in China. This

    discussion centres on the creation of professional job opportunities for social work

    graduates, the definition of fields of social work practice, the identity formation of

    professional social work, and the ‘indigenization process’.

    There are at least two limitations in this set of English-language literature which

    are worth noting. First, except for a handful of papers, almost all the authors are

    social work scholars outside Mainland China. In other words, most information

    reported is observational rather than experiential. Secondly, very few of the papers are

    empirically based. Yan and Tsang (2005) report the results of a Delphi study of 47

    social work experts in China. However, the study was done in 2000 and 2001 and

    much has changed since then, not least the massive expansion in social work

    education in the last six years where it is estimated that it has tripled in size from 70

    to 200 social work education programmes. More recently, Wong and Pearson (2007)

    reported on the way in which a group of nine MSW social work students perceived

    their professional identity formation through their field practice. The study is unique

    in that it examines the students’ perspective but it is limited due to the small sample

    size and a methodology based on a 500-word short essay in Chinese from each of the

    nine students who participated. As the authors suggest, their study is only a ‘first step’

    in understanding how social work students’ professional identity is being shaped in

    China.

    A myriad of literature on social work’s development has been published within

    China in Chinese. Most papers are written by Chinese social work educators and, by

    Social Work Education 529

    and large, reflect their perspectives and interests. Most of the authors of the English-

    language literature have extensively referenced the Chinese literature published in

    China in their writing and, to some extent, have reflected the major issues as

    constructed by Chinese social work educators. However, there is a growing body of

    neglected literature in China—and many neglected perspectives, such as that of

    students (Wong and Pearson, 2007) and clients—which tends to be ignored by

    writers both in- and outside China. Like Wong and Pearson (2007), we believe that

    social work students—graduates—will be a major force shaping the future of social

    work in China. Therefore, a qualitative study was conducted to investigate how social

    work students perceived the nature and future of social work in China.

    Methodology

    The idea for and design of this study was the outcome of an international

    collaboration between a group of social work educators from Canada and China. The

    aim of the study was to examine the recent development of social work education in

    China and to explore social work students’ perspectives on these developments. The

    study was conducted in mid-2005 in Jinan, the provincial capital of Shandong

    Province where the partner university in China was located. The paper reports on the

    findings of this study to provide concrete empirical data on the development of social

    work in China and, more importantly, to provide another perspective from which to

    understand the development of social work education in China.

    Recruitment of the Sample

    The study sample was drawn from each of the four undergraduate and diploma level

    social work programmes in Jinan. Table 1 provides a brief profile of the programmes

    provided by the four social work training institutes: the diploma programme was

    introduced in 1996 and the undergraduate programmes were established either in or

    after 2000. As shown in Table 1, all of these programmes had faced similar challenges

    to those described in the literature, such as lack of qualified teachers and insufficient

    field practice. Their numbers of students and graduates also substantiated the

    concern about the uncontrolled expansion of social work education. Only final year

    or graduating—undergraduate—students were invited to participate in the study

    since it was assumed that they would have a more comprehensive understanding of

    the issues being investigated and a more realistic idea of the future of social work and

    their personal career choices. In other words, the researchers were not only interested

    in how social work educators were shaping their professional identity but also the job

    opportunities that were available to them since, while there are more than 200 social

    work education programmes in China, there are very few formal jobs for social work

    graduates (Yan and Tsang, 2008). Eight BSW graduating students were recruited

    from each of the four programmes through referrals from social work educators and

    students in the schools under study. In all, 32 graduating students, 13 male and 19

    female, were recruited for participation in the study.

    530 M. Chung Yan et al.

    Data Collection

    Data collection was via a semi-structured interview—an interview guide was used

    (see Appendix for the translated version since the interviews were conducted in

    Mandarin)—conducted by four master students at the partner university in China

    who had been trained by the principal investigator. The average time of the interview

    varied but, on average, each took approximately 45 minutes. The interview questions

    were designed to collect information from students on three major areas: (i) their

    experience of studying social work; (ii) their perceptions of the function and purpose

    of social work in China, the cultural compatibility of social work with Chinese

    culture, prevailing political ideology, the commonsense of everyday people, and their

    personal beliefs in helping; and (iii) their vision of the future of social work in China.

    The curriculum taught across the four institutions from which the study sample was

    drawn varied a great deal. As a result, responses regarding the nature and purpose of

    social work varied. Nevertheless, the students’ perspectives on the issues raised were

    quite similar. Each interview was audio-taped and the tapes were transcribed by the

    respective interviewers.

    Data Analysis

    The principal investigator in Canada conducted the data analysis—in consultation

    with the research partners via email—using NVivo, a computer assisted qualitative

    data analysis software package. Following a content analysis of the transcripts, codes

    and themes were generated from the raw data—in Chinese. Only the quotations

    selected from the transcripts presented in this paper were translated into English. The

    accuracy of the translation, which was initially done by the principal investigator, was

    checked by the co-investigators of the study who are also the co-authors of

    this paper.

    Table 1 Brief Profile of Social Work Institutes Studied

    Social work training institutes

    A* B C D

    Year and nature of social work pro-
    gramme started

    2000 2000 2000 (Diploma) 1996
    Degree Degree 2001 (Degree) Diploma

    Total no. of social work students in
    2005

    238 494 500 219

    Total no. of social work graduates in
    2005

    44 230 201 62

    Total no. of teachers for the social
    work programme in 2007

    10 14 9 6

    Total no. of teachers with MSW
    (including those in progress) in 2007

    1 2 1 1

    Total hours of field work 240 480 360 480
    No. and gender of students inter-
    viewed

    3M 4M 4M 2M
    5F 4F 4F 6F

    Note: * In order not to identify the students, we decided to use another set of synonyms to signify
    the institutes.

    Social Work Education 531

    Ethical Issues and Limitations of the Study

    The ethics protocol of the study was approved by the ethics committee of the

    university with which the principal investigator is affiliated. Written consent of each

    participant was sought prior to the interview. To ensure anonymity, each participant

    was given a coded identity assigned by the principal investigator. As an exploratory

    qualitative study with a conveniently selected sample group, the findings of this study

    cannot be generalized to all social work students or programmes in China. However,

    they might shed some light on the current development of social work education in

    China.

    Findings

    The main themes which emerged from the findings are discussed below. They were as

    follows.

    1. Studying social work was experienced as a roller coaster ride.

    2. Social work must be culturally compatible with Chinese traditional culture and the

    prevailing political ideology, and it must incorporate unique Chinese characteristics,

    such as family values.

    3. There was optimism about the future of social work in China.

    1. Studying Social Work was Experienced as a Roller Coaster Ride

    To most of the students interviewed, their emotional journey of social work

    education was like a roller coaster ride and ranged from complete ignorance about

    social work, to feeling passionate about the noble nature of this helping profession,

    and then to feeling disenchanted with the current development of the profession in

    China, and their own future upon graduation. It is important to note that many of

    the respondents did not start their social work training on favourable terms. Only 12

    students had chosen social work as their major subject when they applied to their

    school. Instead, like many of their classmates, they were tiaoji
    1

    (literally means

    switched) to the social work programme without their consent.

    Most students who were tiaoji to the social work programme did not have a high

    score in the public examination which determines whether or not they are admitted

    to their chosen programme. This, in turn, reflected the status of social work in the

    school. It can thus be imagined that many of them felt frustrated when they were

    informed that they had been switched to the social work programme. This frustration

    came from disappointment and, more often, from not knowing what social work was

    about:

    We were all taioji to this programme. At first, our scores of the advanced education
    examination were not too high. Some applied to law, English and Chinese. In the
    end, we were all taioji to here. … So, it can be said that most of us were
    disappointed when being taioji to here because we didn’t know anything about this

    532 M. Chung Yan et al.

    discipline. At the beginning, our motivation to class was not high, coupled with
    pessimistic emotion. (Z6)

    However, for many interviewees, their frustration and ignorance did not last long.

    The helping nature of the social work profession, the enthusiasm of their social work

    teachers, their field experience through agency visits and field work quickly changed

    their perceptions, particularly the preconceptions of those who were interested in

    helping others:

    Social worker is really very noble. Let me give you an example close to me. Like, I
    was emotionally touched by the teacher who taught me social group work. Needless
    to say, in class he always respected his job. (L6)

    Many of them felt that their social work training had transformed them. It had

    changed the way in which they communicated and interacted with people. They had

    become more open to and supportive of others:

    Although it is like that, I feel that I have learned something important in these four
    years which will bring some major impacts to my future work and life. For
    instance, the way I make friends with others, how I communicate with others. It
    will have impacts and I feel that these impacts are useful. (X3)

    Many also felt that through the social work programme they had internalized the

    values and principles of social work which would guide their way through different

    passages in life:

    Yet, the principles, values and perspectives that we learn from social work have
    influenced us; not only our work, our learning, our everyday life and our vision of
    life. Having learned social work, these are all connected. (Z3)

    As graduating students, many of them expressed their gratitude for what they had

    learned in the social work programme. To them, social work was a very meaningful

    profession. However, the jobless reality had left many students feeling let down with

    dashed hopes for a bright future:

    Let’s talk about myself. I really hope to do this kind of work. However, now my
    hope is basically gone. My self-confidence has been hurt. You want to do it but you
    can’t. There is not even a chance for you to do it. (Z4)

    It was difficult for many of the respondents to predict their personal future in view

    of the present development of social work in China. Among all the interviewees, only

    a small number (n55) reported that they would try to look for social work related

    jobs. Many intended to pursue postgraduate—higher—education hoping that this

    would make them more competitive and some said they would just find a job which

    probably would not require social work training. Despite this gloomy future, many

    still believed that what they had learnt in the social work programme would be useful

    to them:

    In terms of work, I probably will not practise this kind of work because my job has
    almost been fixed and it has nothing to do with social work. Even so, I feel that
    what I learned in these four years will have a very great impact on my work and my
    life. For instance it has certain impacts on my attitude when I interact with others

    Social Work Education 533

    and on my behaviour when I communicate with others. And, I feel that these
    influences are useful. (Z3)

    Reflecting upon their experience, some said that they did not regret taking the

    social work programme:

    I have studied social work for four years. My feeling towards social work has gone
    through a process from feeling fresh to disappointed, and then at the end I feel I
    have established a confidence of its future. I think probably many social work
    students may have a similar process like me. I think at the end, I am still relatively
    optimistic about it. (L1)

    In sum, to many of these interviewees, their experience of social work education

    was not a smooth one. From being ignorant of social work to being passionate

    about the profession and back to feeling disenchantment, their up and down roller

    coaster emotions perhaps reflected the challenges of social work’s development in

    China.

    2. Cultural Compatibility between Western Social Work and Chinese Culture

    In the literature, one of the major debates is about the cultural compatibility of

    western
    2

    social work. The term ‘culture’ in this study was understood not only as (i)

    traditional Chinese culture, but also as inclusive of (ii) the prevailing political

    ideology, (iii) the commonsensical beliefs of the laobaixing (which roughly means the

    everyday people), and (iv) the students’ personal beliefs of helping—which were

    shaped by the values of the wider society (i–iii above). If traditional Chinese culture

    were based on Confucius’s teachings—and other schools of thoughts which could be

    classified as ‘high culture’—then we might refer to commonsensical beliefs among

    laobaixing or everyday people as ‘low culture’. Although the former may have a

    certain influence on the latter, the low culture is more about folklore and practice

    wisdom accumulated in the everyday lived experience of the laobaixing. These four

    different manifestations of culture mutually informed one another but each could

    also lead to very different understanding of the cultural meaning of ‘imported social

    work’.

    (i) Compatibility with Chinese traditional culture

    When asked whether Chinese traditional culture were compatible with the values of

    social work, we received definitive responses: those who said ‘yes’ tended to think

    that Confucian teachings had always emphasized mutual help and harmonious

    relations. These, to them, were also basic to social work practice. Many of them

    understood helping others as always being a part of traditional Chinese culture

    which, from a Confucian perspective, means being born with a compassionate

    disposition which leads to sacrifice of oneself and love for others. For instance, in

    traditional Chinese culture, taking care of the ruoshi qunti (which roughly means the

    disadvantaged and marginalized groups), particularly seniors and children, is always

    regarded as a virtue:

    534 M. Chung Yan et al.

    I think this can be compatible. First and foremost, Chinese traditional culture
    advocates filial duties, which should be compatible. Social work offers help to
    elderly people as well as the marginal group, the idea of which connects social work
    with traditional Chinese culture. This is also something which the younger
    generation should do; social workers should also look after this group as well. (Z7)

    According to their understanding, these traditional virtues were very close to

    the social work values that they had learnt in their training. In contrast,

    interviewees who argued that the traditional Chinese culture was not compatible

    with western social work had a very different interpretation of the traditional

    Chinese culture. First, they believed that the emphasis on individuality in western

    social work might clash with the collective tendency embraced by traditional

    Chinese culture. Secondly, to some students, because of this fundamental

    difference, some basic social work principles, such as self-determination, were

    problematic when examined from a traditional Chinese cultural perspective.

    Thirdly, despite the prevalence of collectivistic understanding of Chinese

    traditional culture, some students also intriguingly observed that there was a

    great deal of emphasis on self-reliance which tended to discourage people from

    seeking help from other people:

    The overall trend [of Chinese culture] is to depend on one’s hard work—in other
    words, to realize one’s goals and one’s growth by virtue of one’s hard work and
    skills and not by means of external effort. Meanwhile, social work is mainly to help
    people, perhaps most Chinese people would not prefer to accept such help, let
    alone seeking help from social workers. The emphasis of self-effort is in the Chinese
    culture; it is also where the contradiction is. (L2)

    However, the collectivistic perspective is not necessarily at odds with the notion of

    self-reliance in Chinese culture. As one student pointed out, ‘many people in China

    still believe in this principle, that is, to cultivate one’s person and rectify one’s mind,

    regulate one’s family, govern well one’s state and rule well the world’. According to

    this principle, the notion of self-reliance is supposedly to encourage people to seek

    self-actualization from the personal domain, such as family first before contributing

    to the public domain. However, as these students perceived, to a larger extent, this

    might discourage people from seeking help.

    (ii) Compatibility with the commonsensical beliefs of laobaixing (everyday people)

    In terms of helping, is social work and Chinese culture, like the teachings of

    Confucius, always compassionate? One student (L5) made a shrewd observation as to

    the lack of consistency between traditional and commonsensical Chinese cultural

    beliefs:

    Although China has some traditional notions of helping people, like extending the
    idea of helping your elders to others’ elders and your youngsters to others’
    youngsters. But it is only just a few notions, and they spring from some of the ideas
    that are related to tracing the root and origin. But deep down, it is still about ‘‘clean
    up one’s own snow at the front door and bother not with others’ snowflakes on
    their roof’’. (L5)

    Social Work Education 535

    In addition, high cultural values were also subject to reinterpretation and, as we found

    in this study, tended to be seen as incompatible with western social work. For instance,

    the Confucian idea of self-reliance implies a self-actualization process but when it is

    reinterpreted in people’s everyday lives, it becomes a folklore which promotes the idea

    that people should help themselves. As L1 mentioned, there is an old Chinese saying, it is

    better to ‘beg for help ourselves than to ask for it from others’. Following this

    interpretation, many students also believed that the virtue of self-reliance had led to a

    popular commonsensical belief that people should not wash their dirty linen in public.

    Z2 provided a popular example which was shared by most respondents who pointed out

    the incompatibility of commonsensical everyday Chinese and social work beliefs:

    As a traditional Chinese laobaixing’s belief, family should take care of their elderly.
    If a child sends their elders to institutions, the elders will have no face and feel this
    child has no filial piety. To the child, other people will also point their fingers at
    him/her and say he/she has no filial piety because he/she sends their elders to
    institutions. Let’s think about it, this may not be compatible. (Z2)

    To a large extent, the respondents who saw western social work as incompatible with

    Chinese cultural beliefs noted the embedded nature of Confucian ‘familism’—or the

    priority of family—in the commonsensical or everyday beliefs of Chinese people.

    Family values run so deep that they have created a kind of cultural practice that strongly

    discourages people from seeking help from outside their family. If they really need to

    ask for help, as many respondents understood it, Chinese people tended to follow a

    ‘differentiation mode of association’, a conceptual framework of familial relationship

    constructed by the late sociologist, Fei Xiaotung (1983). According to this framework,

    Chinese culture has a quasi-kinship system which extends from the immediate family

    flexibly outward to people who are seen by the family as part of them (Yan, 1998). To

    some respondents, this mode of association was very different from the Judeo–

    Christian beliefs of western social work which stress fraternity, a love that is owed

    equally to everyone. To these respondents, this hierarchical help seeking practice was

    incompatible with western social work, which is a form of public service. In the

    commonsensical world of China, public servants, even social workers, are generally

    perceived as guan (government officials). As some of them mentioned, there is an old

    Chinese maxim: even the best guan cannot judge the affairs within one’s family.

    In short, judging from the findings, the cultural compatibility issue is inconclusive.

    Partly, this is due to the internal inconsistent interpretation of cultural beliefs by

    different people, and partly, due to the nature of culture as a constantly changing

    phenomenon which is responsive to context. This is particularly true of China which,

    in the last three decades, has been undergoing rapid transformation. Some students

    are optimistic that the many incompatibilities between Chinese high and low cultural

    practices and western social work will soon disappear, particularly in the urban areas.

    (iii) Compatibility with dominant political ideology

    So far, the communist government of China still insists that socialism is its guiding

    ideology although a market economy has become firmly established in China. The

    536 M. Chung Yan et al.

    most recent policy goal is to establish a harmonious society in China despite the fact

    that its ultimate purpose is to ensure stability of society for its economic boom. Many

    respondents saw policy goals and purposes as having an emphasis on human value

    which was compatible with the humanistic nature of western social work:

    I feel that in the planned economy era, there may be some conflicts. However, the
    present market economic conditions, under the background of global economy, are
    compatible because our government is gradually changing itself, gradually moving
    towards humanization, human centred. It has gradually borrowed the western
    experiences in resolving social conflicts to handle China’s social problems. (L4)

    Nevertheless, respondents had numerous concerns about the way in which the

    liberal and humanistic nature of social work could work harmoniously with existing

    political ideology and practice. Intertwined with traditional Chinese culture, the

    dominant political ideology has a strong tendency towards centralized control. The

    government officials tend to have an omnipresent power in determining people’s

    lives. Many wonder, under the tight control of government, how much freedom they

    will have to help people:

    China does not yet have a free political environment, which is a crucial factor. …
    Without a general sense of social mass participation and of the need to fight for
    one’s right, the development of social work is quite difficult. For social work is to
    encourage people to actively participate in their community, and through their
    own effort and the fight for social resources, they can change their existing
    conditions. (X3)

    Respondents believed that social work as a form of helping that requires a certain

    level of autonomy was not compatible with centralized political control in China. As

    Z4 noted: ‘To me, social work is grounded in the society. … We have to obey

    government law and regulations too, but if we rely too much on government, our

    hands are tied in many aspects’. In brief, the respondents had an optimistic view of

    the recent policy changes which tended to put more emphasis on human value but

    were pessimistic about the tight political control of the regime which had historically

    cautioned against people’s freedom, a central principle and value of western social

    work.

    (iv) Incorporation of unique aspects of Chinese culture

    When asked how cultural incompatibility issues might be resolved, the respondents

    agreed that indigenization was needed:

    [Social work] has to correspond to the mainstream Chinese cultural tradition. I
    think any new discipline to be adopted in China has to go through a bentuhuade
    (literally means indigenization) process because our traditional Chinese culture is,
    in fact, far too persistent. It’s been five, six thousand years. It’s impossible for us to
    just let go of so many thousand years of our traditional culture so easily because of
    the arrival of a foreign discipline. (L3)

    One of the most commonly agreed cultural transformations of this imported social

    work—a Judeo–Christian based liberal humanistic helping profession—was its

    Social Work Education 537

    incorporation of ‘familism’, a fundamental component of both high and low Chinese

    cultural practices. Unlike western social work, almost all of the respondents, in one

    way or another, expressed the view that social work in China must be grounded in

    the familial nature of Chinese culture:

    Because of the strong emphasis on family in Chinese culture, particularly in this
    aspect, particularly the significant role of family in some fundamental contra-
    dictions, the role of family will certainly become a characteristic feature and be
    reflected in the development of Chinese social work. In other words, it is possible
    that social work in China is not based on individual as a unit but rather on the
    family. I feel that in terms of management, it … in the actual implementation
    process, it will have a much better effect. Practising social work from the point of
    view of the individual as a unit may not be as effective as using family as a unit.
    (L8)

    In addition, all agreed that cultural transformation has to fit the dominant

    ideology in China. Politically, given the existing political and economic conditions,

    social work in China must rely on the government. Most respondents were quite

    realistic. They agreed that instead of competing with these existing indigenous

    organizations, at least for the time being, social work in China must yitu (rely on)

    these organizations and the government:

    … but now there’s no way, so many responsibilities are undertaken by the
    government. That’s why you need to have the support of the government and then
    integrate slowly. Take, for example, women’s work is supposed to be carried out by
    social workers, but now government has set up Women’s Federation [a
    government operated non-governmental organization (GONGO)] to do social
    work. But if Women’s Federation is to be cancelled, it is not possible. This is why
    you have to rely on Women’s Federation to solve problems which are encountered
    by women such as family violence, inequity of property distribution due to divorce.
    (Z2)

    However, many saw the cultural transformation as a two-way process. They hoped

    that this newly imported social work would gradually transform the bentude (literally

    means indigenous) practices of these existing organizations:

    To them [government officials], the influx of western culture is a challenge and a
    test, but changes need to be carried out step by step, that is, to make this system
    [existing government departments and GONGOs] an embracing one in order to
    enable the western stuff to be incorporated into these systems. (X6)

    3. Future Social Work in China

    Many of these graduating student respondents found the future of social work in

    China too remote from their immediate personal career interests. As mentioned

    previously, few would look for jobs that were related to social work. Although most

    of them were disenchanted with the virtually non-existent social work job market and

    most believed that social work’s development in China would not be simple and

    straight forward, they saw a promising future for social work as a measure to tackle

    538 M. Chung Yan et al.

    the social ills caused by economic reform; in other words, they believed that the

    fallout from future economic development would provide opportunities for the

    social work profession:

    Social work in China is developing very fast now; the development process of social
    work is just coinciding with the rising economic period of China. Along with the
    economic development, the development of social work in China will be getting
    better and better. People’s knowledge level also keeps rising and ideas continue to
    be renewed. Social work will certainly be getting better and better. (Y5)

    Among the respondents, there was strong agreement that social work can play

    multifaceted roles that would be beneficial to society. These roles include counsellor

    for individuals and families, organizer in communities, poverty relief worker for the

    homeless, panhandlers and/or rural peasants, just to name a few. These students are

    hopeful that one day in China social workers would be found not only in the urban

    but also in rural areas; not only in the community and government departments but

    also in schools, hospitals, correctional facilities, senior homes, and new NGOs.

    As one student noted, the public has already started paying attention to the

    multiple roles that social work can play in various aspects of Chinese society.

    Say for example … the China Central Television Station has once in its ‘‘Focus
    Interview’’ programme introduced some new occupations which included social
    work. In the programme, they said social work could contribute greatly to the
    communities, the hospitals and helping homeless panhandlers. They also reported
    some social work practice activities. For example, they mentioned how social work
    could be practised in hospitals. (L7)

    Respondents were hopeful that when more Chinese people realized the benefits of

    social work, they would accept it, especially given major reform in China aimed at the

    construction of a harmonious society and the massive structural changes in Chinese

    society which would create demand for professional social workers’ services:

    … social work’s development will become faster and faster, and its scope bigger
    and bigger. I think in the next couple of years, a sense of general awareness will be
    formed—whenever the word ‘‘social work’’ is mentioned, everyone knows what
    social work is about, what it does; knows the kind of service, the kind of notion and
    the kind of value system it is. (Y1)

    Many respondents believed that a major obstacle to social work’s development in

    China would be lack of government support. Without government support,

    hundreds of social work graduates, like themselves, would be out of work:

    The most urgent problem is that students of over 200 universities in China are
    going to graduate and enter the society, but our efforts will have been wasted as
    many social work students probably will have to find jobs in other areas. Isn’t this
    loss of professional students to other areas a waste of resources? (Z3)

    They hoped that the government would soon introduce institutional changes and

    not only classify social work as an occupation but also recognize its professional

    status by introducing a registration system. In addition, promotion of the profession

    was important. They also hoped that the government would take the lead in

    Social Work Education 539

    promoting social work. They firmly believed that when more people came to know

    about what social work was, they would accept this emerging profession as a new

    social measure of helping people to resolve their problems:

    To raise the recognition status of social work, the government has to support and
    introduce it to various units and make them understand what social work is about.
    Various enterprising units will get to know social work more and more. Not only
    will enterprise units understand more and more about what social work is, business
    units as well as other units will too. Wait till some units which need employees have
    completely understood what social work is about and when they feel the need, they
    will start seeking help from social workers. (X4)

    To conclude, the stories of these 32 graduating students indicate that they have

    gone through a rough process in the last three or four years. Perhaps their roller

    coaster experience may also reflect the struggle of the development of social work in

    China both in school and in the society at large. In their opinion, the cultural

    compatibility of social work with Chinese culture was not a black and white issue,

    particularly when cultures in China were themselves incoherent and changing.

    However, they did agree that social work in China must have its own characteristics.

    One of these characteristics is the cultural adaptation of western social work. In

    addition, social work in China, as they saw it, should be contextually grounded in the

    contemporary Chinese society which was generally recognized as highly politically

    controlled. This is particularly important when the support of the government is so

    critical to social work’s development in China. In their opinion, without the

    government support, even with its great potential, social work would have a hard

    time flourishing.

    Conclusion

    This exploratory study of graduating social work students from a city in China

    provides a ‘snapshot’ of the perspective of a particular group of students. Given the

    small-scale nature of the study, these findings cannot be generalized to the wider

    population of social work students or graduates in China. Nevertheless, given the lack

    of empirical information on social work’s development in China, the perspectives of

    these 32 students provide some, albeit not generalizable, understanding of the current

    situation and concerns about social work’s development in China. The speed of social

    work education’s development in China is almost beyond comprehension. However,

    as found in this study, there is another story to be told about the ‘roller coaster

    experience’ of students, the majority of whom were assigned to the social work

    programme without their consent and without any prior knowledge and under-

    standing of what social work was about. As Yan and Cheung (2006) observed, this

    phenomenon is largely due to higher education reform which is massively expanding

    higher education but limiting the expansion to several selected ‘new’ disciplines,

    social work being one of the chosen few.

    The sudden expansion of social work education has led to numerous problems,

    such as a lack of professionally qualified social work academics (see Table 1), teaching

    540 M. Chung Yan et al.

    materials, and field placements as documented in the literature. However, despite all

    of these difficulties, social work educators in China, at least as reported by these 32

    students, have achieved a great deal of success in nurturing a new generation of social

    work trained personnel. The experiences of these students suggest that, in the end,

    although this unwilling choice might not offer them an immediate and prosperous

    career, most of them believed that they had gone through a very meaningful training

    which would be useful to them personally regardless of what they were going to do in

    the future. Also, as indicated in the findings, most of them also recognized the need

    for and usefulness of social work for China. With this seed firmly planted, there is a

    good reason to believe that social work in China will gradually flourish.

    Nonetheless, to many of these students social work remains a ‘virtual occupation’.

    The social work that they have learnt so far is an intellectual construction of their

    teachers who themselves mostly have no social work training and experience. An

    indigenized Chinese social work model is still far from being realized. As reflected in

    the literature, cultural compatibility is a continuing concern for those pursuing the

    indigenization of social work in China (e.g. Yan, 1998; Tsang and Yan, 2001; Yuen-

    Tsang, 2002; Yip, 2007). However, thus far, no concrete proposal has been offered.

    Learned from their teachers, most students interviewed envisioned that social work in

    China should match the Zhongguo guoqing (which roughly means the unique

    conditions of China), including its rich culture. Despite its simplicity, the students of

    this study offered a particular perspective which might, at least, point to a first step in

    the cultural indigenization of social work in China. To them, social work in China, at

    least in the near future, must reconcile with ‘familism’—a cultural emphasis on the

    importance of family—which is deeply embedded in Chinese culture.

    Furthermore, the ‘possibility’ of social work in China is limited by the complete

    absence of social work jobs in China which most of these students found most

    disappointing. Ironically, so far the development of social work has been confined to

    within higher education as an academic discipline. As a field of practice, social work

    is largely under-developed in China. Like their teachers, these students also see that

    the future development of social work in China lies in the hands of the government.

    In other words, the raison d’être of social work in China cannot be detached from its

    social assignment—a social safety valve to ensure social stability and economic

    prosperity. If this is true, then it is almost expected that social work in China has a

    very important political responsibility. Therefore, one of the so-called Chinese

    characteristics of social work in China, as most students perceived, is a high level of

    state stewardship.

    Indeed, in December 2006, the China Communist Party issued a resolution to

    create a critical mass of social workers as part of the national effort to build a

    harmonious society in China. This resolution has led to a national system of social

    work registration under the leadership of the Ministry of Civil Affairs. As announced

    by the Deputy Minister, it is expected that a team of more than 100,000 registered

    social workers at three different levels—advanced, intermediate and junior—will be

    created in five years (see http://www.mca.gov.cn/sw/fugle_show6.asp). Yet, to this

    group of students this news might have come too late. Nevertheless, this development

    Social Work Education 541

    has offered new hope and raised the morale of social work educators and students in

    China, although it is not known how registration would directly affect the job

    market.

    To conclude, the speed and scale of social work’s development in China is perhaps

    the fastest and largest in the world since the inception of social work in the Anglo–

    American world a century ago. It has drawn increasing attention from the

    international social work community since social work in China has the potential

    to be larger than the whole profession of social work outside China! Certainly, some

    experiences in China, be they good or bad, are worth learning about. This study offers

    some evidence of current developments in China from the students’—as yet

    neglected—perspective. To understand this phenomenal development more fully,

    further research is needed.

    Acknowledgement

    We would like to thank Professor Mel Gray for her comments and suggestions for

    this paper.

    Notes

    [1] To prevent losing the original meaning, some key Chinese terms are used in this paper and the

    closest English interpretation is provided in parentheses.

    [2] We use the term western only to simplify the discussion. The authors would like to

    acknowledge that both conceptually and empirically, there are many ways of practising social

    work and diverse discourses of what social work is in developed countries.

    References

    Chi, I. (2005) ‘Social work in China’, International Social Work, vol. 48, no. 4, pp. 371–379.
    Fei, X. T. (1983) Xiangtu Zhongguo [Folklore China] (reprint of 1947 version), Phoenix Publishing

    Co., Hong Kong.
    Ku, H. B., Yeung, S. C. & Sung-Chan, P. (2005) ‘Search for a capacity building model in social work

    education in China’, Social Work Education, vol. 24, no. 2, pp. 213–233.
    Leung, J. C. B. (1994) ‘The development of social work education in China: issues and prospects’,

    Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work, vol. 4, pp. 83–94.
    Ngai, N.-P. (1996) ‘Revival of social work education in China’, International Social Work, vol. 39,

    no. 3, pp. 289–300.
    Tsang, A. K. T. & Yan, M. C. (2001) ‘Chinese corpus, western application: the Chinese strategy of

    engagement with western social work discourse’, International Social Work, vol. 44, no. 4,
    pp. 433–454.

    Tsang, K. T., Yan, M. C. & Shera, W. (eds) (2004) Snapshot of Social Work Development in China:
    Proceedings of International Conference in Social Work Education Development in China in the
    21st Century, Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario.

    Wong, Y. C. & Pearson, V. (2007) ‘Mission possible: building social work professional identity
    through fieldwork placement in China’, Social Work Education, vol. 26, no. 3, pp. 292–310.

    Xia, X. L. & Guo, J. (2002) ‘Historical development and characteristics of social work in today’s
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    Yan, M. C. (1998) ‘A social functioning discourse in Chinese context: implication of developing
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    Yan, M. C. & Cheung, K. W. (2006) ‘The politics of indigenization: development of social work in
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    Yan, M. C. & Tsang, A. K. T. (2005) ‘A snapshot on the development of social work education in
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    Yan, M. C. & Tsang, K. T. A. (2008) ‘Re-envisioning indigenization: when the bentuhuade and the
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    Yao, J. C. (1995) ‘The developing models of social work education in China’, International Social
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    Yip, K. S. (2007) ‘Tensions and dilemmas of social work education in China’, International Social
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    Yuen-Tsang, A. W. K. W. S. (2002) ‘Tensions confronting the development of social work
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    Appendix: Interview Guide

    1. Why did you decide to study social work?

    2. Please tell me how your teachers describe social work.

    a. Please also tell me given what you are taught, how you will define social work.

    3. From what you know about social work, in what areas and how, you think, social

    work can contribute to the Chinese society.

    4. Many people have said that social work is a western construct. Please tell me how

    you understand social work within the Chinese context.

    a. Do you think the social work values you learned in class are compatible with your

    understanding of Chinese culture and the prevailing political ideologies in China? If

    yes, how? If no, how incompatible and how will you deal with this incompatibility?

    5. Please tell me, from your perspective as a social work student, what are the major

    problems of the development of social work in China?

    6. What will you foresee for the future of social work in China?

    7. What will you foresee for your own future as a social work student?

    8. Please name three major obstacles that you think are critical to social work

    development in China. Why these three?

    Social Work Education 543

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