Anthropology short assignments

There are 3 assignments total attached which are very short like 200- 300 words questions and all the information will be attached

there will be total 3 pdfs for each question .

Don't use plagiarized sources. Get Your Custom Essay on

Just from $13/Page

Order Essay

first assignment

1. Using Muckle to scaffold your answer, describe and explain an element of Gitxaala governance. (Expectation: 3-5 sentences. Approximately 50-100 words. Avoid direct quotes, utilize in-text citations of any citation style but be consistent!). Please see First Nation pdf for the question.

Second assignment

2. Explain two key areas of anthropological interest in the context of the short film Cry Rock, giving specific examples from the film. (HINT – See slide from Module 2 which outlines key areas of anthropological interest and the Anthropological Perspective)

(Expectation: 5+ sentences. Less than 300 words) please see anti 206 module slides for this question and you can find cry rock firm online easily

Third assignment

3. To work on your summarization skills – choose one of this weeks resources to summarize in 5 sentences or less (McMillian & Yellowhorn – Plateau or Subarctic, or Menzies Chapter 4 or Koneline). What are the most important take-aways from your chosen resource? If there is a specific connection to the anthropological perspective, be sure to highlight it!

For this question, please summarize for subarctic , you can find the document in attachment

Part 1

Introducing First Nations,
Popular Perceptions, and the
Anthropological Perspective

Muckle, Robert J

. First Nations of British Columbia, Third Edition : An Anthropological Overview, UBC Press,
2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/capilano-ebooks/detail.action?docID=3412950.
Created from capilano-ebooks on 2021-03-13 01:15:18.

C
op

yr
ig

ht
©

2
01

4.
U

B
C

P
re

ss
. A

ll
rig

ht
s

re
se

rv
ed

Totem Poles

For many, totem poles are a symbol of First Nations in British
Columbia. They are a common form of public art throughout
the province, images of totems adorn many tourism ads, and
miniatures (often manufactured outside the province) are a
popular souvenir. Old totems remain, both fallen and standing,
in First Nations communities up and down the coast, and new
poles continue to be carved and raised as part of tourist
attractions, at shopping malls and corporate offices, for
museums and reconstructed heritage villages, as public art,
and in First Nations communities. Although totem poles are
now raised in many areas, traditionally they were restricted to
coastal areas. The carving and raising of poles likely goes back
thousands of years.

Popular Perceptions
Popular perceptions of First Nations in British Columbia
vary immensely and depend very much on context. For many
British Columbians as well as visitors to the province, art is
what usually first comes to mind when thinking of First
Nations. Totem poles and other forms of First Nations art are
central themes of tourism marketing campaigns. First Nations
public art abounds, including many kinds of art welcoming
travellers at Vancouver International Airport, many place-
ments of totem poles in public spaces throughout the prov-
ince, and public displays in and around many museums, such
as the Royal British Columbia Museum and the Museum of
Anthropology at the University of British Columbia. Of
course, there are countless places selling First Nations tourist
art, or kitsch, as well as galleries for connoisseurs of fine art
and investors. The images in this part show art ranging from
the historical and traditional styles used in totem poles and
Bill Reid’s sculptures to more modern, explicitly political
works by Lawrence Paul Yuxweluptun and Sonny Assu.

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective2

Muckle, Robert J.. First Nations of British Columbia, Third Edition : An Anthropological Overview, UBC Press,
2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/capilano-ebooks/detail.action?docID=3412950.
Created from capilano-ebooks on 2021-03-13 01:15:18.

C
op
yr
ig
ht
©
2
01
4.
U
B
C
P
re
ss
. A
ll
rig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.

Totem poles in British Columbia can be defined as large
wooden poles, usually cedar, carved with images of animate
beings. Some define totem poles to include a wide variety of
wooden sculptures that may be attached to, or part of the actual
struc ture of, buildings: items sometimes known as house poles
or frontal poles, carved planks, grave figures, and welcome
fig ures. A more narrow definition restricts them to free-standing
carved poles.

Totem poles are primarily heraldic, rather than depicting gods
or being objects of worship themselves. They often depict the
crests of kinship groups, or a person’s or group’s encounter with
a supernatural being. The images sometimes involve a trans-
formation with characteristics of both human and animal forms.

As in other kinds of coastal First Nations art, the animals
are depicted with certain identifying characteristics. Raven, for
example, is always depicted with a straight beak, while Eagle’s
beak has a downturned tip. Thunderbird often has curled
appendages on its head. Bear often has prominent teeth and
large clawed feet, Frog has a wide toothless mouth, Wolf has
a long snout, and Killer Whale has a dorsal fin.

Traditionally, totem poles were common in the commun-
ities of First Nations of the northern and central coastal regions.
Poles on the north coast typically had few appendages and
rather shallow carving. Poles on the central coast, on the other
hand, often were deeply carved with pronounced features, and
widely flaring wings were attached. The Coast Salish peoples,
including those in the southwest portion of the province near
Vancouver and surrounding areas, did not traditionally carve
free-standing poles, although they produced many other forms
of wood sculpture.

Because totem poles were not carved simply for aesthetic
reasons, their full meaning is often lost outside of the First
Nations culture that created them. Totem poles are intricately
linked with other aspects of First Nations cultures: they com-
memorate important events and people, document histories,
validate political and social positions, visualize myths, and
assert rights and identity. Replicas made for mass-market sale
as tourist items and images used by non-First Nations busi-
nesses raise concerns about authenticity and cultural appro-
priation for some First Nations.

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective 3

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective4

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective 5

Counterclockwise, from top:

Totem poles are among the most visible and well-known
representations of First Nations of British Columbia, often used
to promote tourism and situated in public places. This is the
top of one of several totem poles in Vancouver’s Stanley Park,
and depicts Thunderbird. Although carvers were traditionally
male, this pole was originally carved by Kwakwaka’wakw
member Ellen Neel in the 1950s and later refurbished by her
son Robert Neel. Courtesy of Matthew Chursinoff

The Spirit of Haida Gwaii: The Jade Canoe. This sculpture by
Bill Reid is located at the Vancouver airport. Public displays of
First Nations art are common within and beyond the borders of
British Columbia. This sculpture is a different casting of The
Spirit of Haida Gwaii: The Black Canoe, which sits outside the
Canadian embassy in Washington, DC. Courtesy of Gillian
Crowther

The Raven and the First Men. This sculpture by Bill Reid
illustrates a Haida origin myth. Carved in yellow cedar and on
display at the Museum of Anthropology at the University of
British Columbia, the sculpture tells the story of how Raven, a
prominent character in First Nations myths, coaxed the first
Haida out of a giant clamshell. Photo by Jessica Bushey.
Nb1.481, courtesy of UBC Museum of Anthropology,
Vancouver, Canada

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective6

Scorched Earth, Clear-Cut Logging on Native Sovereign
Land. Shaman Coming to Fix. Painting by Lawrence Paul
Yuxweluptun (1991). Reproduced with the permission of
the artist and the National Gallery of Canada

Breakfast Series, 2006. A series of cereal boxes by Sonny
Assu, reflecting a fusion of traditional First Nations design with
popular culture and clever commentary on colonialism. Image
courtesy of the artist and the Equinox Gallery. © Sonny Assu.
Photo by Chris Meier

The Imaginary Indian, the Textbook Indian,
and Chief Dan George

A considerable scholarly literature exists on the images of the
Native peoples of North America, including the First Nations of
British Columbia. The Imaginary Indian: The Image of the Indian
in Canadian Culture, by Daniel Francis (2nd ed., Vancouver:
Arsenal Pulp Press, 2011) outlines several popular perceptions,
images, and stereotypes: the noble savage, the vanishing
Indian, performing Indians, celebrity Indians, aggressive and
bloodthirsty Indians, the spiritual Indian, the environmental
Indian, and the cigar store Indian. To these can be added the
lazy Indian, the drunken Indian, the angry Indian, and many
more, including the relatively recent corporate Indian.

These stereotypes and images are constructed and main-
tained largely by non-First Nations people, sometimes simply
through ignorance, but often with self-interested motives. As
motives change, so do the popular stereotypes. In the early
years of European interaction with First Nations, such as during
the fur trade, the stereotypes and images were usually positive;
First Nations people were accommodating hosts, excellent
traders, and noble. When people of European descent began
coming to British Columbia in significant numbers to seek gold

It isn’t uncommon for First Nations to be characterized by
stereotypes. Popular negative stereotypes include the drunken
Indian, the lazy Indian, the violent Indian, and the noble
savage. Other stereotypes include whiners, complainers, the
rich Indian, and the corporate Indian. As most people know,
or should know, stereotypes are a dangerous thing, especially
stereotypes based on ignorance and misconceptions. Such
perceptions of First Nations are often perpetuated by people,
corporations, and governments with ulterior motives. For
example, governments may benefit from negative stereotypes
that perpetuate a culture of dependency by First Nations on
government. Similarly, organizations in resource develop-
ment may benefit from stereotypes of First Nations as impedi-
ments to progress.

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective 7

and lands to settle, goals for which First Nations were largely
viewed as a hindrance, the stereotypes began to turn negative,
in a sense rationalizing the appropriation of lands and re-
sources from the First Nations.

Relatively few British Columbians learn much about First
Nations in their schooling. When First Nations are included in
the curriculum, stereotypes often remain the norm. In recent
years, many British Columbians have been asking why they
were not made aware of the atrocities of the residential school
system, for example. It is an excellent question.

In an article called “Colonizing Minds: Public Education, the
‘Textbook Indian,’ and Settler Colonialism in British Columbia,
1920-1970” (BC Studies 169 [2011]: 101-30), Sean Carleton
addresses the representation of First Nations in BC school
curriculum. He states, “Authorized textbooks were one tool
used by the state to school children in the logic and legitimacy
of settler colonialism” (109). The article illustrates how First
Nations have been depicted as animal-like, inferior to Euro-
peans, and having a violent disposition, images that re inforce
government policies of assimilation and separation to
reserves.

Carleton identifies Chief Dan George, a member of the Tsleil-
Waututh Nation and well-known activist and actor, as among
the first to challenge racist stereotyping and textbooks as an
important source of colonial power. As part of a celebration of
the hundredth anniversary of Canadian Confederation in 1967,
Chief Dan George spoke a “Lament for Confederation” that
said, in part: “Oh Canada, I am sad for all the Indian people
throughout the land … When I fought to protect my land and
my home, I was called a savage. When I was neither under-
stood nor wel comed his way of life, I was called lazy … My
nation was ignored in your history textbooks” (101).

Fortunately, there have been improvements in recent
years. The BC Ministry of Education now provides some good
resour ces for educators, and has published a secondary school
text book called B.C. First Nations Studies by Kenneth Campbell,
Charles Menzies, and Brent Peacock (Victoria: BC Ministry of
Education, 2003). But based on the stereotypes and images still
perpetuated among many non-First Nations people, there
remains a long way to go.

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective8

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective 9

Misconceptions about First Nations peoples and cultures
are also common. Popular misconceptions are that all First
Nations people receive free housing and postsecondary edu-
cation, and don’t have to pay taxes. Other common per-
ceptions are that First Nation cultures are inferior to Euro-
Canadian ways, that people of European descent know what
is best for First Nations, that with the adoption of modern
technologies First Nations cultures cease to exist, and that
although First Nations may claim they are trying to protect
their land and resources, what they really want is money. The
short answers are no, not all First Nations people receive free
housing, free postsecondary education, and tax exemptions;
First Nations cultures are in no way inferior to other cultures;
people of European descent do not necessarily know what is
best for First Nations; First Nations cultures remain distinct,
even with the adoption of modern technology; and First
Nations seeking to protect lands and resources are usually
sincere.

Through the Lens of Anthropology
This book has an explicitly anthropological perspective. It
draws on information from First Nations, provincial and
federal governments, and other academic disciplines, but
at its core, it is anthropological. Anthropology is the organ-
izing framework used here to choose, describe, and discuss
information from various sources. The book is structured
around key areas of anthropological interest such as pre
history, traditional lifeways, languages, the processes and
repercussions of colonialism, assertions of rights, and cultural
appropriation.

An anthropological perspective also means that a few basic
premises underlie the work, namely that (1) understanding
contemporary cultures is dependent on knowing their past,
(2) all aspects of culture are related, meaning that a change
in one element of culture will inevitably cause changes in

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective10

other aspects of cultures as well, and (3) there are multiple
ways of adapting to circumstances and no one way is neces-
sarily better than another. In other words, (1) a good under-
standing of contemporary First Nations peoples, cultures, and
issues is dependent on knowledge of those cultures over the
past several thousand years, (2) First Nations technology, diet,
economic systems, social and political structures, ideology,
and art are all intricately connected, and (3) European and
Euro-Canadian ways are not necessarily what is best for First
Nations.

Anthropology is broadly defined as the study of humans.
This includes humans of the past as well as the present, and
it includes the study of both human cultures and human
biology. A core concept in anthropology is culture, which
may be defined as the learned and shared things that people
have, think, and do. The things that people have are physical,
such as houses, clothes, tools, and jewellery. The things that
people think are commonly referred to as ideology, and in-
clude beliefs, values, and morals. The things that people do
are what many consider customs or behaviour.

All societies have culture. Major components of culture
include subsistence, settlement patterns, technology, com-
munication, economic systems, social systems, political sys-
tems, ideology, and art. In British Columbia today, there are
many distinct First Nations cultures, most easily inferred by
different languages, but also by differences in other elements
of culture as well.

One important thing to know about cultures is that things,
ideas, and behaviours are constantly changing, because no
culture evolves in isolation. Core structures, ideology, and
other aspects often remain central, however, meaning that
First Nations can adopt technologies, behaviours, and ideolo-
gies from other people and still maintain their First Nation
culture. This is explored more fully in Part 6.

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective 11

The four main branches of anthropology are archaeology,
cultural anthropology, linguistic anthropology, and bio
logical anthropology. In British Columbia, archaeology is
primarily focused on documenting the physical evidence of
human activities in the region before the arrival of Euro-
peans in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
The nature of archaeology and the results of archaeological
research are the focus of Part 3. Cultural anthropology fo-
cuses on traditional lifeways and contemporary cultures.
Linguistic anthropology involves the study of languages, and
biological anthropology is the study of human biological
characteristics.

Anthropology emerged as a professional discipline globally
in the 1800s, and British Columbia became a focus of atten-
tion for many anthropologists in the late 1800s and early
1900s. Some came primarily to collect artifacts for museums
and private collections, which is why some of the finest
examples of First Nations objects are in the British Museum
in London, the American Museum of Natural History in
New York, the Field Museum in Chicago, the Smithsonian
Institution in Washington, DC, and other museums around
the world.

During the late 1800s and early 1900s British Columbia
became what some have referred to as the most “anthropolo-
gized” area of the world. Whether the area does indeed qualify
as one of the most anthropologized areas is subject to debate,
but substantial research was certainly undertaken. Since the
area was the last in North America to have been directly in-
fluenced by Europeans, many anthropologists studied the
First Nations under the guise of what is known as salvage
ethnography. Some anthropologists were specialized in one
of the major subfields, but many were generalists. It was not
uncommon, for example, for anthropologists to immerse
themselves in a First Nation, learn the language, document

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective12

traditional lifeways as described to them by people in the
community, excavate archaeological sites, and measure the
physical characteristics of individuals. In addition to collecting
artifacts for museums, some anthropologists also excavated
and collected human skeletal remains, and arranged for some
First Nations people themselves to travel to Europe and fairs
in the United States as a kind of living museum exhibit.

Despite some exceptions, relations between First Nations
and anthropologists during the past 150 years have been
reasonably good overall. However, anthropology has been
criticized as part of the colonialism that has been detrimental
to First Nations, and many First Nations people throughout
North America had little use for anthropologists. This feeling
was articulated most eloquently by Native American scholar
Vine Deloria Jr. in a 1969 piece called “Anthropologists and
Other Friends,” of which the following is a short excerpt:

Into each life, it is said, some rain must fall … But Indians
have been cursed above all other people in history. Indians
have anthropologists … The massive volume of useless
knowledge produced by anthropologists … has contrib-
uted substantially to the invisibility of Indian people today
… it would be wise for anthropologists to get down from
their thrones of authority and PURE research and begin
helping Indian tribes instead of preying on them.

Around the same time, Native American musician and activist
Floyd Red Crow Westerman recorded a song called “Here
Come the Anthros,” which included the lyrics

And the Anthros still keep on coming
Like Death and Taxes to Our Land;
To study their feathered freaks
With funded money in their hand.

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective 13

Overview of the Book
Part 2 brings some clarification to the often confusing ter-
minology associated with First Nations in the province. A key
theme is what constitutes First Nation identity. The part
distinguishes the meaning of labels such as Aboriginal,
Indian, Indigenous; provides basic data on population and
reserves; and puts the First Nations of British Columbia into
the larger context of Indigenous peoples in Canada, across
North America, and globally.

Part 3 focuses on the nature of archaeological research in
British Columbia and the conclusions that can be drawn from
50,000 recorded archaeological sites and millions of known
artifacts spanning the last 10,000 years or more in the province.
The part also includes sections on the legislation governing
archaeology, some of the most significant sites, and tracing
ancestry through archaeological sites, artifacts, and DNA.

Life immediately before the arrival of Europeans in the
region is the focus of Part 4. The core elements of culture,
sometimes known as traditional lifeways, are described as
they are known or assumed to have existed in the late 1700s.
The descriptions include general overviews of the cultures
in three major regions of the province – the coastal area,
the southern interior, and the northern interior. The part
also covers estimates of the First Nations population prior
to the arrival of Europeans and the diversity of First Nations
languages.

Part 5 covers the period from the late 1700s to the end of
the twentieth century, focusing on the impacts of fur traders,
gold seekers, missionaries, settlers, and government officials
on First Nations peoples and cultures. The part also includes
sections on residential schools; government policies, practices,
and acts; resistance by First Nations; major court challenges,
the beginning of modern treaty negotiations, and the nature
of anthropological research in the late twentieth century.

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective14

First Nations in the twenty-first century are the focus of
Part 6. Sections include an overview of some of the basic
realities of contemporary First Nations life (as reflected in
census and survey data); modern treaty negotiations; eco-
nomic and cultural initiatives; major issues within First
Nation communities and between First Nations and non-
First Nations populations; and the nature of current an-
thropological work with First Nations.

Recommended Readings and Resources
For more information on totem poles, the following are
recommended: Totem Poles: An Illustrated Guide, by Marjorie
Halpin (Vancouver: UBC Press and the UBC Museum of
Anthropology, 1981), The Totem Poles of Stanley Park, by
Vickie Jensen (Vancouver: Westcoast Words, 2009), The
Totem Pole: An Intercultural History by Aldona Jonaitis and
Aaron Glass (Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 2010), and
Totem Poles, by Hilary Stewart (Vancouver: Douglas and
McIntyre, 1990).

Good books on perceptions, stereotypes, and images of
Indigenous peoples in North America include The Imagin ary
Indian: The Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture, by
Daniel Francis (2nd ed., Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 2011),
Playing Indian by Philip Deloria (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 1998), and The White Man’s Indian: Images
of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present, by Robert
Berkhofer Jr. (New York: Vintage, 1978). Sean Carleton’s
“Colonizing Minds: Public Education, the ‘Textbook In dian,’
and Settler Colonialism in British Columbia, 1920-1970” is
in BC Studies 169 (2011), 101-30. B.C. First Nations Studies,
by Kenneth Campbell, Charles Menzies, and Brent Peacock
(Victoria: BC Ministry of Education, 2003) is a secondary
school textbook.

Vine Deloria Jr. is perhaps the best-known Indigenous critic
of anthropology. His piece “Anthropologists and Other

First Nations, Popular Perceptions, and the Anthropological Perspective 15

Friends” is a chapter in Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian
Manifesto, first published in 1969 (Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press).