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Visual Word and Pseudohomophone Effect Essay

Visual Word and Pseudohomophone Effect Essay

Over the past three decades, more cognitive psychologists have paid more attention to the processes involved in visual word recognition than to almost any other subject in their field. The annals of cognitive psychology have thus burgeoned with papers on word recognition while work on other topics, many relating to other aspects of reading such as syntactic parsing or discourse memory, have been substantially less popular.

There are many reasons why work in one research area can take off and flourish; reasons which are sociological and pragmatic rather than just scientific.

As far as visual word recognition is concerned, there are several sociological/pragmatic factors. One relates to the advent of new technology. The development of the microcomputer provided ready access to procedures for online control of reaction time (RT) and tachistoscopic experiments, and there are few simpler stimuli to present on-line than single printed words.

With simplicity comes some degree of popularity. The advent of the microcomputer stimulated research into visual word recognition in a less trivial way too, because microcomputers allowed more sophisticated experimental procedures to develop than were hitherto possible.

(Johnson, Rayner, 2007) In particular, by linking computer controlled displays to eye movement recording apparatus, experimenters began for the first time to gain direct evidence of the relations between eye movements and reading.

A second reason for the popularity of visual word recognition is that simple tasks are at hand, for which accurate and sensitive measures can be derived, such as lexical decision, naming, and semantic classification. Further, and perhaps most importantly, these tasks can be related to models of word recognition, in which task performance is decomposed into a series of processing stages characterized by access to different knowledge representations. An example of this is the logogen model in its revised form.

This model hypothesizes the existence of separate stored representations for orthographic, semantic and phonological representations of words. Different tasks may tap into different levels of representation. For example, lexical decisions may be accomplished by monitoring activation in the orthographic lexicon; word naming will require access to the phonological lexicon (at least for words with irregular spelling-sound correspondences); semantic classification requires access to stored semantic knowledge.

By using such tasks, investigators could attempt to tap and test the characteristics of the different stages in the processing system. (Perea & Carreiras, 2006) Thus, visual word recognition has proved attractive because it has a broadly specified multi-stage architecture, with the stages apparently open to testing via the judicious use of different tasks. Consequently it can serve as a test-bed for experiments concerned with such general issues as how stored knowledge influences perception.

A third reason for the large body of research on word recognition is that it is a basic process in reading upon which all other reading processes are predicated. Moreover, other processes in reading, such as syntactic parsing, sentence comprehension and so on, may exert only relatively weak influences on the recognition of fixated words, at least in skilled readers. In essence, skilled word identification may operate as a relatively free-standing module, and so can be studied in isolation from factors affecting other reading processes.

A fourth reason is that word identification is the interface between higher- order cognitive processes (such as those concerned with text comprehension) and eye movements. The effect of such higher-order cognitive processes on eye movements can be assessed by testing whether saccadic and fixation patterns on particular words vary according to the syntactic ambiguity of the sentence or according to whether the sentence contains a “garden path.

” Studies of the relations between eye movements and word processing therefore speaks to the general issue of how the eye movement system is controlled. Most current accounts of visual word identification assume that, in normal subjects, letter processing takes place in parallel across the word. A much more controversial issue concerns the nature of the representation that mediates lexical access. (Holcombe & Judson, 2007) This controversy has a long history in both experimental psychology and education.

In recent years, the traditional view that reading is parasitic upon some form of speech code has given way to the view that orthographic codes (at least in skilled readers) dominate lexical access. Pseudohomophones are nonword letter strings like PHOX that, when pronounced according to the normal spelling-sound correspondences of English, yield a pronunciation identical to that of a word (in this case FOX), which will be referred to as the “base” word. Pseudohomophones were pronounced more rapidly than control nonwords matched for orthographic properties.

This effect, they argued, indicated some contact with lexical representations. However, they also found that pseudohomophone latency was uncorrelated with the frequency of the base word in spite of the fact that, when the base words were named, a respectable frequency effect was obtained. Pseudohomophone effect has been used for another purpose: pseudohomophones take longer to reject than control nonwords in the lexical decision task. (Crutch & Warrington, 2006) Again, the performance measured must (sometimes, to some degree) be reflecting contact with lexical representations.

Yet, although they obtained such a pseudohomophone effect in their study, it was uninfluenced by the frequency of the base word. Hence, they argue, this lexical contact is not frequency sensitive. The alert reader will be impatient for the link to the reading of ordinary words. The account offered by McCann and Besner is as follows. For normal reading, an orthographic code is used to access a lexicon of orthographic word forms; the best-matching entry is then mapped to a lexicon of phonological word forms via a direct connection.

Pseudohomophones activate entries in the phonological lexicon (inasmuch as they do) via a different spelling-sound conversion process (the “assembly” process of the three-pathway model). (Ferrand, Grainger, 2003) The absence of a frequency effect for pseudohomophones coupled with evidence that they do activate lexical representations (at least to some degree) indicates that mere activation of the phonological lexicon cannot be the locus of the frequency effect for ordinary naming.

Therefore this must be localized in either (activation of) the orthographic lexicon (“identification” in my terminology) or the mapping process (“retrieval”). The locus of the effect is unlikely to be the former considerations of architectural parsimony suggest that the most plausible scenario is one where either both of these lexicons are frequency sensitive, or neither of them is. (Laxon, Masterson, Gallagher & Pay, 2002) It is, therefore, conclude that a principal locus of frequency effects is within the links that join the various components of lexical memory.

These links are commonly described as condition- action rules for mapping representations in one domain onto representations in another domain. For word naming, the relevant condition-action rules are those that link lexical entries in the orthographic input lexicon with lexical entries in the phonological output lexicon. It will be apparent that this argument is both indirect and heavily dependent upon a dubious appeal to parsimony. There may be more specific problems with their data.

Inasmuch as they are examining effects of frequency upon access to a phonological lexicon used also for auditory recognition, and inasmuch as the “assembly” process may be assumed to operate on the letter string from left to right, it would be appropriate to control for the effects of a variable well known to have major effects on auditory lexical decision time, namely “recognition point”; that is, that point in the phonological string where it diverges from other words in the lexicon.

The frequency of the base-word could only modulate this difference. Modulation of such a small effect cannot be easy to detect reliably. As a benchmark, it may be noted that the range of the frequency effect in both mixed and blocked conditions was only about half the difference between words and nonwords. (Bosman, 1996) Pseudohomophones are more orthographically word-like than their control nonwords in spite of their being roughly equated in terms of summed bigram frequencies.

A stimulus such as brane is often referred to as a pseudohomophone in the word-recognition literature because it sounds like a real word despite the fact that it does not spell one. A common finding is that subjects in the lexical-decision task are slower to respond no to pseudohomophones like brane than to control items like frane. A related finding is seen in the naming task, except that the direction of the effect is reversed.

Pseudohomophones like brane are named faster than control items like frane. (Ferrand & Grainger, 1992) Pseudohomophones have also been used to explore differences between good poor young readers, differences between left and right hemisphere processing, sub-typing of young readers, mechanisms of spelling-to-sound-translation, dyslexic reading, types, of phonological codes and to identify the locus of word frequency effects in word recognition, identification and production.

The standard explanation for these effects assumes that assembled phonology makes contact with lexical entries in the phonological lexicon. In the case of the lexical-decision task, this impairs performance because the output from the phonological” lexicon signals the presence of a word (the phonological representation of brain) while the output from the orthographic lexicon signals that it is not a word, because there is no orthographic entry corresponding to brane.

Resolving this conflict takes time. (Martin, 1982) In naming the process of assembling phonology for a visually presented nonword letter string that corresponds to a real word in the phonological domain is more efficient because of the interaction with a whole word representation in the phonological lexicon; nonwords that do not sound like a real word are denied this benefit.

Because the presence of pseudohomophone effects in naming and lexical decision is embarrassing to a model which purports to give an account of these tasks, the tack they pursue is that pseudohomophone effects, when they are present in experiments, are not phonological in nature but simply reflect the fact that pseudohomophones are orthographically more similar to real words known to the reader than are the control items.

(Rapcsak, Henry, Teague, Carnahan & Beeson, 2007) Therefore, if pseudohomophones and control items are matched in terms of the orthographic and phonological error scores produced by the model, there will be no pseudohomophone effect in either naming or lexical decision. Indeed, this is the result they reported in one of their experiments. The application of pseudohomophones in lexical decision and priming paradigms for the study of adults with a history of developmental language disorders (DLD) has a distinct advantage over more explicit tests of phonological decoding such as nonword reading.

With lexical decision measures it is possible to examine the early time course of phonological access and these techniques have been used effectively with a variety of patient populations that exhibit phonological processing deficits. The tasks tap implicit phonological awareness that may be present in the absence of explicit demonstrations that it exists. Based on previous research, it is predicted that the college-aged DLD readers in our study have phonological deficits that impact their word recognition ability and that this group will show less phonological awareness than their age-matched peers.

(Simon, Petit, Bernard & Rebai, 2007) Thus, our predictions for the current research are as follows. In the first experiment, a lexical decision task with pseudohomophones and orthographically controlled nonwords, it is predicted that control participants will show a typical pseudohomophone effect with slower and less accurate responses to pseudohomophones than to orthographic control nonwords. In contrast, it is predicted that the DLD group will not be as strongly influenced by the conflicting phonological information present in the pseudohomophone stimuli and will not show such an effect.

In the second experiment investigating pseudohomophone semantic priming (e. g. , RANE-CLOUD) it is predicted that the non-DLD participants will produce reduced reaction times for target words when they are preceded by semantically related pseudohomophones. This predicted pattern of results would be consistent with the view that adults with a history of DLD continue to have phonological processing deficits.

References

Bosman AM; de Groot AM; Phonologic mediation is fundamental to reading: evidence from beginning readers.The Quarterly journal of experimental psychology A, Human experimental psychology; 1996 Aug; 49(3); p. 715-44 Crutch SJ; Warrington EK; Word form access dyslexia: understanding the basis of visual reading errors. Quarterly journal of experimental psychology (2006); 2007 Jan; 60(1); p. 57-78 Ferrand L; Grainger J; Homophone interference effects in visual word recognition. The Quarterly journal of experimental psychology A, Human experimental psychology; 2003 Apr; 56(3); p.

403-19 Ferrand L; Grainger J; Phonology and orthography in visual word recognition: evidence from masked non-word priming. The Quarterly journal of experimental psychology A, Human experimental psychology; 1992 Oct; 45(3); p. 353-72 Holcombe AO; Judson J; Visual binding of English and Chinese word parts is limited to low temporal frequencies. Perception; 2007; 36(1); p. 49-74 Johnson RL; Rayner K; Top-down and bottom-up effects in pure alexia: Evidence from eye movements.

Neuropsychologia; 2007 Mar 7 Laxon V; Masterson J; Gallagher A; Pay J; Children’s reading of words, pseudohomophones, and other nonwords. The Quarterly journal of experimental psychology A, Human experimental psychology; 2002 Apr; 55(2); p. 543-65 Martin RC; The pseudohomophone effect: the role of visual similarity in non-word decisions. The Quarterly journal of experimental psychology A, Human experimental psychology; 1982 Aug; 34(Pt 3); p. 395-409

Media Convergance Essay

Media Convergance Essay

What is meant by the term media convergence with regard to technology, and how has it affected everyday life? Media convergence is using the progression of technology to take all the different forms of media and combing them into one single form of media. There are many different forms being combined together such as television, internet, radio, newspapers and magazines. The convergence of media has greatly affected everyday life in both positive and negative ways.

Media convergence has given us the opportunity to get immediate and up to date information on news and media that is happening in the world.

This gives us the opportunity to keep up to date with what is going on with the world. Another positive affect of media convergence is giving us one main outlet to get many different views and opinions on the information and news provided around the world. Media convergence also has negative results affecting our everyday lives. A negative effect of media convergence is the possibility of getting biased or incorrect information from the internet.

On the internet anyone who has the means to pay for a web domain can publish information on the internet, so it is important to check your sources of information and ensure the reliable and correct. With the progression of technology the convergence of media will continue to grow and progress. What is meant by the term media convergence with regard to business, and how has it affected everyday life? What are some of the issues that result from dependency on modern media? Describe at least three issues. How does media literacy help with responsible media consumption?

Unifying Effect Essay

Unifying Effect Essay

Before the advent of the nineteenth century, Argentina, like the rest of the Latin American region, had been under the rule of Spain. As such, its people had no clear cultural identification that would clearly pronounce their difference from their long-term colonizers (Chasteen and Wood 106). As a result of the colonization, many Europeans made permanent settlements in different areas in Buenos Aires and the rest of the country. One of the country’s most well known foreign-dominated communities is a settlement near the Riachuelo River, known as La Boca, of predominantly Italian residents1.

When Argentina gained independence in 1816, social conflicts arising from racial and cultural differences were aplenty. La Boca’s neighborhood exhibited this kind of struggle. Conflict in the community existed between the middle-class Italians and the underclass mestizo tenants of houses owned by the immigrants2. The Europeans were protective of their cultural identity and viewed the influx of a large underclass a threat to their heritage. When football became a popular culture in the country in the early twentieth century, the community gave rise to one of its own, the Club Atletico Boca Juniors3.

This paper will explore how Club Atletico Boca Juniors succeeded in promoting unity and cultural identity within a divided community during Argentina’s search for a unifying, national identity that would eliminate social conflicts before the 1930s economic depression.

1. Emanuela Guano, “A Stroll Through la Boca: The Politics and Poetics of Spatial Experience in a Buenos Aires. ” Space & Culture Vol. 6 2003): 356. 2. Ibid. 357 3. Vic Duke and Liz Crolley, “Futbol, Politicians and the People: Populism and Politics in Argentina.

” International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 18 (2001): 97 2 La Boca and the Class Struggle Within La Boca, one of the barrios or neighborhood in Buenos Aires, the capital city of Argentina, is celebrated for its strong Italian heritage particularly the immigrants’ passion for arts, work ethics, and family traditions and values4. When you hear of these characteristics describing Italians, what comes to mind is a romanticized vision of a quaint neighborhood with smiling people and the smell of food permeating the air.

One wouldn’t imagine an ugly part of the picture. Indeed, when you walk through La Boca, you will see structures three story high and tall sidewalks made to protect the houses from the Riachuelo River floods. The smell of pastry and bread interspersed with the smell of sewage from the river5. What a newcomer wouldn’t know is how the middle-class Italian-Argentine resented the presence of a large group of mestizos in the area, who were poor and often from the rural areas and other countries, seeking better fortune in Buenos Aires, which was then a city with booming trade6.

For the large part, the immigrants distrusted these newcomers, owing to their darker coloring and uncultured ways. The immigrants believed that they pose a threat to La Boca’s Italian identity. Often, the migrants were the subjects of unrelenting discrimination. The boquenses, as these middle-class Italians were called, created ways to define their heritage to draw the line among those who belong and those who do not. One example of which is the boquenses’ characterization of the Italian-Argentine residents as the hardworking, honest lot, while the newcomers were delegated as being the lawless mestizos (Guano 362).

______________ 4. Emanuela Guano, “A Stroll Through la Boca: The Politics and Poetics of Spatial Experience in a Buenos Aires. ” Space & Culture Vol. 6 (2003): 356. 5. Ibid. 360. 6. J. A. Mangan, “The Early Evolution of Modern Sport in Latin America: A Mainly English Middle-Class Inspiration? ” International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 18 (2001): 21. 3 In the later years, the children of these immigrants strove for assimilation in the society. Instead of just being immigrants, they wanted to become full Argentines.

Although the electoral process was modified to grant them Argentine status, they were still basically outsiders7. This is one of the struggles that the community’s soccer club was able to overcome. The Advent of Soccer and the Search for a National Identity in Argentina To understand better the social conflict in La Boca, it is important to understand how this kind of class division existed in Buenos Aires and all throughout Argentina; and how the nation as a whole found a common anchor not through any political means, but by what started to be a European form of entertainment.

The nineteenth century Latin America was a region of class conflict, diplomatic turmoil, capitalist exploitation, social inequality and political paranoia (Mangan 35). Great Britain was the primary force in Latin America, taking the place of Spain and Portugal but in a different manner. The Britons were no colonizers to these races. Instead, it forged a strong economic relationship with the region. Argentina at that time had a booming enterprise comparable to those of Australia, Canada and the United States (Mangan 12). As a result of Britain and Argentina’s economic ties, some Englishmen settled in the country.

To keep their ties to their motherland, the English started playing their own sports with no other major purpose than for their own enjoyment. Generally, the Britons kept to themselves. It was only during sports activities that they were in close cultural and social contact ______________ 7. Matthew B. Karush, “National Identity in the Sports Pages: Football and the Mass Media in 1920s. ” Academy of American Franciscan History Vol. 60 (2003): 12. 4 with the Argentines. The establishment of English sports in Argentina, in the long run, had significant cultural outcome (Mangan 13).

Argentine soccer had its beginnings in 1867 when the Buenos Aires Football Club was established by Thomas and James Hogg whose father was from Yorkshire, England. The association had its first game in June 20 of the same year, with all the players being British. The Argentine Football Club was founded in 1893, with Alexander Watson Hutton being its first president, later dubbed as the Father of Argentine Soccer (Mangan 26). Boca Junior was formed in 1905 and has held up until the present its base in the Italian barrio of La Boca alongside the port in Buenos Aires (Duke and Crolley 97).

Of all the sports that were introduced in Argentina, it was football that captured the heart of the masses. It gave them the chance to forget their troubles and create opportunities for pleasure and illusion8. In the early years of the sport, there two kinds of associations. One was the all-English clubs that value sportsmanship and fair play, while the other was comprised of local players who played to win. While the English clubs practiced in schools, the other teams practiced in the streets and on wide stretches of vacant lands. This disparity in their learning is perhaps what created the difference in how they play9.

During the 1920s, a new distinctive, urban culture in Buenos Aires emerged. Football and tango transformed into the highest representations of being Argentinidad (Karush 11). Football was seen by the government as the unifying force to create homogeneity among the Argentine masses and the foreign-born working class who, despite their assimilation in the ______________ 8. J. A. Mangan, “The Early Evolution of Modern Sport in Latin America: A Mainly English Middle-Class Inspiration? ” International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 18 (2001): 35. 9.

Vic Duke and Liz Crolley, “Futbol, Politicians and the People: Populism and Politics in Argentina. ” International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 18 (2001): 97 5 society, often found themselves not fully belonging. Though football started as a popular culture, it later turned into a stepping-stone for the process of hegemonic nation building10. How Boca Juniors Affected La Boca The national identity images advocated by the new mass culture in the 1920s did not necessarily made Argentina’s population with differing interests turn into a harmonious community11.

But at least in La Boca, the Italian immigrants found something in common with the migrant mestizos. Where once there were distinct boundaries established between the classes, that division did not manifest in the sports club. For once, the Boca Juniors association represented the community as a whole. The sport, being of English origin, made Italians and non-Italians both outsiders, thus fostering a common bond between them. More importantly, the club provided the younger immigrants a chance to fully assimilate in the Argentine society, without being differentiated.

Boca Juniors was not about the diversity in the community, but rather about the community as a whole. Boca Junior became the center of sporting, political and social aspects of the barrio where it was based. It came to represent the community and helped the children of the immigrant population get integrated into mainstream Argentine society (Duke and Crolley 97). The club after rejecting any other name, chose Boca to express the strong affinity they have with their neighborhood. Boca, literally means, mouth of the river. Juniors, on the other hand, showed that

10. Matthew B. Karush, “National Identity in the Sports Pages: Football and the Mass Media in 1920s. ” Academy of American Franciscan History Vol. 60 (2003): 12. 11. Ibid. 32 6 they consider themselves children of the barrio. In short, the Boca Juniors stand for Children of the La Boca neighborhood, dispelling any cultural classification between the middle class Italian immigrants and the lower class rural folks. But not only was Boca Junior a unifying force for its local community, it also established Argentina’s reputation in the world sporting community.

The turning point in the country’s recognition as a football great came in the 1928 Olympics in Amsterdam when Boca Juniors won a silver12. Before that, Boca Juniors in 1925 made the famous tour of Europe that served as a foundation of Argentina’s reputation in the football field. The team had a goal — to show that they could play without too much violent contact, and at the same time win. Boca Juniors showed and astonished Europeans with their elegant and fluid movements, total control of the ball, masterful dribbling and the acrobatic, spectacular and artistic movements13.

The Argentine football players proved that despite having a reputation of playing to win, it was possible to play and win the game using less physical strength and continuity (Karush 6). 2. Archetti, Eduardo P. “In search of national identity: Argentinian football and Europe. ” International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 12 (1995): 205 13. Ibid. Works Cited Archetti, Eduardo P. “In search of national identity: Argentinian football and Europe. ” International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 12(1995): 2, 201 – 219. 9 November 2007 <http://dx.

doi. org/10. 1080/09523369508713903> Chasteen, James A. and Wood, John Charles. “Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations, Completely Revised and Updated. ” Latin American Silhouettes (2004): 106-110. Duke, Vic and Crolley, Liz. “Futbol, Politicians and the People: Populism and Politics in Argentina. ” International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 18 (2001): 3, 93 – 116. 9 November 2007 <http://dx. doi. org/10. 1080/714001587> Guano, Emanuela. “A Stroll Through la Boca: The Politics and Poetics of Spatial Experience in a

Buenos Aires. ” Space and Culture Vol. 6 (2003): 356-376. 9 November 2007 <http://sac. sagepub. com/cgi/content/abstract/6/4/356> Mangan, J. A. “The Early Evolution of Modern Sport in Latin America: A Mainly English Middle-Class Inspiration? ” International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 18 (2001): 3, 9 – 42. Rodriguez, Maria Graciela. “The Place of Women in Argentinian Football. ” International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 22 (2005): 2, 231 – 245. 9 November 2007 <http://dx. doi. org/10. 1080/09523360500035867>